{"id":5141,"date":"2016-04-24T11:28:01","date_gmt":"2016-04-24T09:28:01","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5141"},"modified":"2024-11-18T11:31:40","modified_gmt":"2024-11-18T09:31:40","slug":"reforma-zgjedhore-dhe-demi-i-shkaktuar-prej-listave-te-hapura","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/uncategorized\/reforma-zgjedhore-dhe-demi-i-shkaktuar-prej-listave-te-hapura\/","title":{"rendered":"Reforma zgjedhore dhe d\u00ebmi i shkaktuar prej listave t\u00eb hapura"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\u00c7\u00ebshtja e reform\u00ebs zgjedhore \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tem\u00eb e nxeht\u00eb q\u00eb shfaqet hera-her\u00ebs, qoft\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri e qoft\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, dhe ngjall gjithmon\u00eb debat t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr sepse p\u00ebrzgjedhja e nj\u00ebrit apo tjetrit sistem zgjedhor \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr vendimet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme institucionale n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem demokratik. Ndryshimi i sistemit zgjedhor ka nj\u00eb ndikim t\u00eb thell\u00eb tek jeta politike e nj\u00eb vendi duke sjell\u00eb ndryshime t\u00eb ndjeshme prej sistemit partiak, organizimit t\u00eb fushatave e deri tek m\u00ebnyra e qeverisjes, formimi i koalicioneve apo kultura politike. Sistemet zgjedhore dhe variacionet e tyre jan\u00eb t\u00eb shumta dhe padyshim nuk ka nj\u00eb sistem zgjedhor magjik me efekt panacea q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i aplikuesh\u00ebm kudo por ka prioritete politike t\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie, t\u00eb cilat nj\u00eb sistem i adreson m\u00eb mir\u00eb apo m\u00eb keq. T\u00eb tilla prioritete shoq\u00ebrore q\u00eb adresohen nga reforma zgjedhore variojn\u00eb prej nivelit t\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebs, proporcionalitetit t\u00eb vot\u00ebs, legjitimitetit t\u00eb rezultatit, ndershm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb procesit zgjedhor, leht\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb organizimit, stabilitetit t\u00eb mazhoranc\u00ebs q\u00eb vjen pas tyre etj.<\/p>\n

Shqip\u00ebria ka nj\u00eb sistem proporcional rajonal me lista t\u00eb mbyllura, nd\u00ebrsa Kosova ka nj\u00eb sistem zgjedhor proporcional komb\u00ebtar me lista t\u00eb hapura, por nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb shqet\u00ebsimet jan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjta p\u00ebr publikun, lufta kund\u00ebr korrupsionit dhe paligjshm\u00ebris\u00eb si dhe qarkullimi i elitave duke futur figura t\u00eb reja n\u00eb politik\u00eb q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb pap\u00ebrlyer. Koh\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb hedhur ideja e p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb listave t\u00eb hapura t\u00eb votimit si nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e deputet\u00ebve dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebshkuar deputet\u00ebt e korruptuar. N\u00eb Kosov\u00eb listat e hapura jan\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur q\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhjet parlamentare t\u00eb vitit 2007, por nuk besohet se kan\u00eb realizuar dy q\u00ebllimet dashamire p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn po propozohet n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. Megjithat\u00eb edhe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb vazhdohet t\u00eb besohet se listat e hapura garantojn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb demokraci dhe konkurrenc\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr shum\u00eb persona ekziston iluzioni se lista e hapur ul korrupsionin meqen\u00ebse hamend\u00ebsohet se krijohet nj\u00eb lidhje e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb mes vot\u00ebs dhe politikanit; k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb votuesit kan\u00eb mund\u00ebsi ta nd\u00ebshkojn\u00eb nj\u00eb politikan p\u00ebr korrupsion apo ta shp\u00ebrblejn\u00eb p\u00ebr ndershm\u00ebri. Mir\u00ebpo analiza t\u00eb shumta krahasimore kan\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar q\u00eb ky dimensioni i pretenduar i llogaridh\u00ebnies personale t\u00eb listave t\u00eb hapura nuk ka ndonj\u00eb efekt dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs n\u00eb parandalimin e korrupsionit nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb demonstruar shpesh se nevoja p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar vota personale dhe pasur nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb individuale n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb listave t\u00eb hapura \u00e7on n\u00eb korrupsion t\u00eb shum\u00ebfisht\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb proporcionalin me lista t\u00eb hapura, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 gar\u00ebs nd\u00ebrpartiake merr jet\u00eb edhe gara brenda partis\u00eb dhe duke qen\u00eb se votat personale jan\u00eb t\u00eb domosdoshme p\u00ebr karrier\u00ebn e nj\u00eb politikani at\u00ebher\u00eb kandidati detyrohet t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb personale paralele me partin\u00eb. Nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb personale n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb mund t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb lirisht me nj\u00eb kosto disa dhjet\u00ebra mij\u00ebra euro dhe nevoja e financimit t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj fushate b\u00ebn q\u00eb shum\u00eb politikan\u00eb t\u00eb orientohen drejt korrupsionit, allishverisheve si dhe ujdive t\u00eb pandershme p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar votat. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 shtys\u00ebs s\u00eb shpenzimeve t\u00eb fushat\u00ebs, incentiv tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebr korrupsion \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nevoja p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar, kultivuar e mobilizuar nj\u00eb elektorat personal n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet klientelizmit, nepotizmit dhe patronazhit. Pra deputet\u00ebt kalojn\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb koh\u00ebs duke u angazhuar p\u00ebr simpatizant\u00ebt e tyre personal\u00eb duke siguruar vende pune p\u00ebr ta, bursa, tender\u00eb, subvencione, investime infrastrukturore etj. Rasti i sistemit zgjedhor italian para vitit 1994 p\u00ebrdoret si ilustrimi m\u00eb flagrant i k\u00ebtyre tendencave korruptive, t\u00eb shkaktuara prej sistemit proporcional komb\u00ebtar me lista t\u00eb hapura. Ka madje studime q\u00eb kan\u00eb hyr\u00eb edhe me n\u00eb holl\u00ebsi t\u00eb impaktit dhe q\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb dukje se vendet q\u00eb kan\u00eb sisteme elektorale me lista t\u00eb hapura; kan\u00eb deficite m\u00eb t\u00eb larta buxhetore dhe ineficienc\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe n\u00eb shpenzime publike, pasi aktor\u00ebt politik\u00eb e shp\u00ebrdorojn\u00eb buxhetin p\u00ebr fushatat e tyre personale elektorale.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr dimension i tret\u00eb korruptiv i listave t\u00eb hapura lidhet me korrupsionin elektoral dhe me faktin q\u00eb kandidat\u00ebt n\u00eb lista t\u00eb hapura kan\u00eb nj\u00eb incentiv personal t\u00eb blejn\u00eb ose vjedhin vota n\u00eb procesin zgjedhor. Pra ky sistem favorizon ata kandidat\u00eb t\u00eb dyshimt\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt kan\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb rrjeti kriminal personal, kan\u00eb nj\u00eb tendenc\u00ebq\u00eb t\u00eb shkelin ligjin dhe g\u00ebzojn\u00eb imunitet prej ligjit. K\u00ebta t\u00eb fundit duke dashur t\u00eb sigurojn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb vota p\u00ebr veten q\u00eb t\u00eb dalin deputet\u00eb me iniciativ\u00ebn dhe burimet e tyre individuale jan\u00eb shkaktar\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb t\u00eb parregullsive zgjedhore. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb thik\u00eb me dy tehe, sepse votat k\u00ebta i shtojn\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm duke
\nbler\u00eb apo vjedhur p\u00ebr partin\u00eb (flet\u00eb votimi ku sh\u00ebnojn\u00eb veten tek lista e kandidat\u00ebve t\u00eb partis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre) por edhe duke vjedhur brenda partis\u00eb prej votave t\u00eb kandidat\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb. Sikurse u pa edhe n\u00eb zgjedhjet parlamentare kosovare shumica e parregullsive t\u00eb denoncuara nga kandidat\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm ishin p\u00ebr grabitje votash brenda list\u00ebs s\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs parti. Kjo gj\u00eb l\u00eb t\u00eb kuptohet se mbyllja e listave do ta p\u00ebrsos\u00eb m\u00eb tutje integritetin e procesit zgjedhor, duke eliminuar nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr motivet kryesore shkaktare t\u00eb parregullsive, interesin e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb t\u00eb kandidatit p\u00ebr t\u00eb vjedhur vota. N\u00ebse mbyllen listat zgjedhore, t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtit kandidat\u00eb nuk do e ken\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn shtys\u00eb pra leverdi q\u00eb t\u00eb blejn\u00eb a vjedhin vota p\u00ebr partin\u00eb e tyre se shanset q\u00eb ato vota t\u00eb siguruara n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb paligjshme t\u00eb kontribuojn\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhjen e tyre deputet \u00ebsht\u00eb minimal.<\/p>\n

Kur flitet p\u00ebr integritetin dhe legjitimitetit t\u00eb procesit zgjedhor q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim n\u00eb mbar\u00eb trojet shqiptare, sa her\u00eb b\u00ebhen zgjedhje, duhet theksuar se listat e hapura e komplikojn\u00eb akoma m\u00eb shum\u00eb procesin zgjedhor dhe l\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr manipulime, shp\u00ebrdorime apo flet\u00eb t\u00eb pavlefshme. Af\u00ebrmendsh flet\u00ebvotimi n\u00eb rastin e list\u00ebs s\u00eb mbyllur \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb i thjesht\u00eb nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb me list\u00ebn e hapur nd\u00ebrlikohet se p\u00ebrve\u00e7 partis\u00eb duhet dh\u00ebn\u00eb (ose num\u00ebruar) vota edhe p\u00ebr kandidat\u00ebt. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rast\u00ebsi q\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhjet parlamentare t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs t\u00eb vitit 2004 me lista t\u00eb mbyllura numri i flet\u00ebvotimeve t\u00eb pavlefshme ishte 17 006 ose 2.5% t\u00eb totalit t\u00eb votave t\u00eb hedhura nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb zgjedhjet e para me lista t\u00eb mbyllura t\u00eb viti 2007 qe 56,863 apo 9% t\u00eb totalit.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri nj\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme t\u00eb garimit jo vet\u00ebm me logon e partis\u00eb por edhe me forc\u00ebn e kandidatit e krijon aplikimi i sistemit proporcionali rajonal aktualisht. Partit\u00eb e vogla vendosin biznesmen\u00eb apo kriminel\u00eb t\u00eb pasur q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb fushatat e tyre individuale n\u00eb zona t\u00eb ndryshme duke shpresuar q\u00eb me para, presion e lidhje t\u00eb mbledhin vota q\u00eb partia nuk i ka. Nd\u00ebrsa partit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha i vendosin k\u00ebta individ\u00eb n\u00eb listat e tyre t\u00eb mbyllura n\u00eb renditjet kritike t\u00eb kontestuara n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i motivojn\u00eb t\u00eb angazhohen p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar vota p\u00ebr partin\u00eb e madhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb partia t\u00eb marr\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm vota sa lista e deputet\u00ebve t\u00eb jet\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm e madhe sa t\u2019i p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb edhe ata. Parlamenti i fundit i Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb ka pasur aq dimension t\u00eb lart\u00eb kriminalizimi sa \u00ebsht\u00eb dashur q\u00eb t\u00eb hiqen shum\u00eb mandate deputet\u00ebsh dhe t\u00eb b\u00ebhej nj\u00eb ligj dekriminalizimi dhe ky fakt \u00ebsht\u00eb para t\u00eb gjithash nj\u00eb \u201cdhurat\u00eb\u201d prej sistemit zgjedhor q\u00eb vum\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2009.<\/p>\n

Po ashtu duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb se nevoja p\u00ebr mbajtjen e nj\u00eb elektorati personal, jo vet\u00ebm nxit krijimin e k\u00ebtij korrupsioni politik personal t\u00eb patronazhi, por edhe d\u00ebmton r\u00ebnd\u00eb cil\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe efikasitetin e legjislativit, pra t\u00eb politik\u00ebs qendrore. Deputet\u00ebt duke dashur q\u00eb t\u00eb rizgjidhen, kalojn\u00eb koh\u00eb duke u marr\u00eb me votuesit apo zonat e tyre t\u00eb votave n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb merren me \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb legjislativit, programit t\u00eb partis\u00eb apo reformave t\u00eb vendit. Pra shkakton nj\u00eb devijim t\u00eb burimeve dhe energjive prej \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve qendrore politike drejt \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve personale apo lokale duke dublifikuar veprimtarin\u00eb e pushteti vendor. Faktikisht Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb pararoj\u00eb n\u00eb rajonin ton\u00eb p\u00ebr decentralizimin prandaj \u00ebsht\u00eb e kot\u00eb q\u00eb deputet\u00ebt t\u00eb merren me \u00e7\u00ebshtje lokale t\u00eb krahinave nga vijn\u00eb apo lokacioneve ku kan\u00eb vota, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb autoriteti p\u00ebr k\u00ebto \u00e7\u00ebshtje lokale \u00ebsht\u00eb pothuaj i gjithi n\u00eb dor\u00eb t\u00eb komun\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb analiz\u00ebs vlen t\u00eb ndalemi n\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr konsiderat\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e politik\u00ebs q\u00eb t\u00ebrthorazi lidhet s\u00ebrish me korrupsionin. Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr impaktet kryesore t\u00eb ndryshimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi \u00ebsht\u00eb tek struktura dhe m\u00ebnyra e veprimit t\u00eb partive politike. Nj\u00eb sistem me lista t\u00eb hapura, ngjash\u00ebm me at\u00eb mazhoritar me vendin t\u00eb ndar\u00eb n\u00eb distrikte zgjedhore ekzistojn\u00eb incentiva t\u00eb forta p\u00ebr partit\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb orientohen drejt reputacionit personal t\u00eb kandidat\u00ebve t\u00eb partis\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa nga dimensioni programor. Kjo gj\u00eb shpjegon deri diku edhe tendenc\u00ebn e tepruar p\u00ebr ta mbajtur debatin politik n\u00eb nivelin e p\u00ebrbaltjeve personale m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa me p\u00ebrmbajtje. Neglizhimi i debateve programore apo ideore dhe fokusimi tek \u00e7\u00ebshtjet personale n\u00eb politik sh\u00ebrben edhe p\u00ebr rritjen e nivelit t\u00eb tensionit, t\u00eb hat\u00ebrmbetjeve apo frustrimeve personale q\u00eb d\u00ebmton stabilitetin dhe harxhon energji t\u00eb kota n\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje egosh dhe ambiciesh t\u00eb individ\u00ebve. N\u00eb kushtet e listave t\u00eb mbyllura dimensioni personal i kandidat\u00ebve shkon n\u00eb hije dhe merr rol dyt\u00ebsor dhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb v\u00ebmendje ka p\u00ebr t\u00eb z\u00ebn\u00eb dimensioni programor, debati ideor, alternativa p\u00ebrmbajtjesore, propozimet e politikave apo reformave. Pra jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb pushteti qendror dhe legjislativi merr v\u00ebmendjen q\u00eb meriton e nuk ngat\u00ebrrohet me agjendat lokale personale t\u00eb deputet\u00ebve q\u00eb p\u00ebrpiqen t\u00eb sigurojn\u00eb vota p\u00ebr emrin e tyre. Debati politik n\u00eb nivel qendror gjithashtu emancipohet dhe zhvendoset nga p\u00ebrplasja e personaliteteve t\u00eb ndryshme tek konkurrimi mes vizioneve dhe programeve t\u00eb ndryshme.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr argument i p\u00ebrdorur dendur sot n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb kund\u00ebr listave t\u00eb hapura \u00ebsht\u00eb se ato jan\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebmshme p\u00ebr p\u00ebrfshirjen n\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb femrave madje kjo gj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb re edhe n\u00eb vende si Norvegjia e jo m\u00eb n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri patriarkale si jona. N\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs ekzistojn\u00eb kuotat p\u00ebr t\u00eb kompensuar pafuqin\u00eb e femrave p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb fushata personale dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur votat personale. Mir\u00ebpo mosp\u00ebrputhja e madhe e votave mes deputet\u00ebve femra dhe atyre meshkuj si pasoj\u00eb e diskriminimit pozitiv b\u00ebn q\u00eb kauza e femrave t\u00eb bjer\u00eb n\u00eb sy keq nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ky siklet shmanget n\u00ebse kuota zbatohet n\u00eb lista t\u00eb mbyllura. E nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb vlen deri diku edhe me deputet\u00ebt meshkuj, dallimi i numrit t\u00eb votave mes liderit apo figurave kryesore dhe kandidat\u00ebve t\u00eb list\u00ebs q\u00eb mezi ia dalin t\u00eb b\u00ebhen deputet \u00ebsht\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht i madh, duke l\u00ebn\u00eb gjithashtu nj\u00eb shije t\u00eb keqe. Pra hipotetikisht \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur q\u00eb m\u00eb i votuari i nj\u00eb liste t\u00eb hapur t\u00eb b\u00ebhet deputet me mbi 100 mij\u00eb vota dhe i fundit kandidat t\u00eb marr\u00eb vet\u00ebm disa qindra vota dhe t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb diferenc\u00eb prej vet\u00ebm dy tre votash nga kandidati vijues.<\/p>\n

Kur vjen fjala tek prioriteti tjet\u00ebr i shoq\u00ebris\u00eb shqiptare, qarkullimi dhe rip\u00ebrt\u00ebritja e elitave, listat e hapura jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb nuk kontribuojn\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt, por p\u00ebrkundrazi. N\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e rasteve ato e pengojn\u00eb qarkullimin e elitave dhe d\u00ebmtojn\u00eb diversitetin e kandidat\u00ebve, duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr partit\u00eb tradicionale q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb figura t\u00eb reja, aktivist\u00eb t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile, ekspert\u00eb, teknicien\u00eb apo p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues t\u00eb segmenteve t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. Kjo pasi lojtar\u00ebt e vjet\u00ebr t\u00eb partis\u00eb fal\u00eb lidhjeve tradicionale partiake dhe imazhit publik e kan\u00eb nj\u00eb avantazh t\u00eb krahasuar p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnies me simpatizant\u00ebt dhe an\u00ebtar\u00ebsin\u00eb e partis\u00eb e p\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb e kan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb leht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i mundin e t\u2019i mbajn\u00eb jasht\u00eb loje. Shpesh i nxjerrin nga loja k\u00ebta kandidat\u00eb t\u00eb rinj edhe n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet goditjeve t\u00eb ul\u00ebta duke shfryt\u00ebzuar lidhjet q\u00eb kan\u00eb me komisioner\u00ebt e partis\u00eb n\u00eb terren p\u00ebr t\u00eb keqnum\u00ebruar votat e marra brenda partis\u00eb nga t\u00eb
\nsapoardhurit. \u00cbsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mund\u00ebsohet nj\u00eb gjithp\u00ebrfshirje sa m\u00eb e plot\u00eb dhe e shum\u00ebllojshme e profileve t\u00eb deputet\u00ebve. Nj\u00eb lider partiak p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebn e partis\u00eb s\u00eb tij qoft\u00eb kur \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb opozit\u00eb e qoft\u00eb kur \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb qeverisje, d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim sa m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb edhe nga segmente alternative t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb si p\u00ebr shembull ekspert\u00eb t\u00eb disa fushave si ekonomia apo jurisprudenca, deputet\u00eb q\u00eb i p\u00ebrkasin grupimeve fetare jo-shumic\u00eb, p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim m\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb krahinor apo moshor. Me lista t\u00eb mbyllura b\u00ebhet m\u00eb e leht\u00eb p\u00ebrfshirja dhe promovimi i kuadrove t\u00eb rinj n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet vendosjes n\u00eb pozicione fituese n\u00eb list\u00eb. P\u00ebr ta sqaruar k\u00ebt\u00eb tendenc\u00eb mjafton t\u00eb shikohet dimensioni shpesh krahinor q\u00eb merr lidershipi apo grupi parlamentar i partive shqiptare q\u00eb vjen prej faktit se kandidat\u00ebt q\u00eb kan\u00eb prejardhjen nga krahinat, ku partia e tyre nuk ka shum\u00eb vota nuk kan\u00eb gjasa t\u00eb marrin mjaftuesh\u00ebm vota p\u00ebr t\u00eb avancuar n\u00eb karrier\u00ebn e tyre brenda partis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr argument q\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret n\u00eb favor t\u00eb listave t\u00eb hapura \u00ebsht\u00eb se ato u japin liri votuesve t\u00eb zgjedhin se kush duhet t\u00eb dal\u00eb apo jo deputet dhe jo lidershipit. Mir\u00ebpo ka studime q\u00eb demonstrojn\u00eb statistikisht se pozicionimi n\u00eb vendet e para t\u00eb list\u00ebs s\u00eb hapur jep nj\u00eb avantazh t\u00eb ndjesh\u00ebm, sepse shumica e simpatizant\u00ebve t\u00eb nj\u00eb partie nuk i njohin t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kandidat\u00ebt e partis\u00eb por i bien shkurt dhe thjesht zgjedhin t\u00eb votojn\u00eb liderin dhe emrat e par\u00eb. P\u00ebrpos k\u00ebsaj lider\u00ebt partiak\u00eb mund t\u00eb influencojn\u00eb rezultatin e zgjedhjeve dhe eliminojn\u00eb disident\u00ebt apo rival\u00ebt partiak\u00eb, duke udh\u00ebzuar strukturat partiake se cil\u00ebt kandidat\u00eb t\u00eb votojn\u00eb nga lista e kandidat\u00ebve e cil\u00ebt jo duke eliminuar leht\u00ebsisht disidenc\u00ebn apo konkurrenc\u00ebn brenda partis\u00eb. P\u00ebr rrjedhoj\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt listat e hapura nuk duhen par\u00eb si t\u00eb p\u00ebrsosura.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb listat e mbyllura figurat e larta t\u00eb partis\u00eb q\u00eb rivalizojn\u00eb liderin apo drejtojn\u00eb nj\u00eb fraksion politik e kan\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb n\u00ebse do hyjn\u00eb apo jo n\u00eb parlament n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb renditjes, n\u00ebse jan\u00eb pjes\u00eb e numrave fitues apo atyre q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb pasigurt. N\u00ebse mendojn\u00eb se nuk marrin at\u00eb pozicionim n\u00eb list\u00ebn e mbyllur q\u00eb u takon at\u00ebher\u00eb k\u00ebto fraksione drejtohen drejt shk\u00ebputjes dhe krijojn\u00eb formacione t\u00eb reja politike edhe rreziku kryesor i shtimit t\u00eb kontrollit t\u00eb liderit t\u00eb partis\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjetvendosjes s\u00eb renditjes s\u00eb kandidat\u00ebve n\u00eb list\u00ebn e mbyllur mund t\u00eb minimizohet dhe baraspeshohet nga k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi i shk\u00ebputjes apo skizm\u00ebs nga partia t\u00eb fraksioneve apo klaneve, q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqur me renditjen n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn fituese t\u00eb list\u00ebs s\u00eb mbyllur. Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb rast se vendoset q\u00eb Kosova t\u00eb kthehet tek listat e mbyllura t\u00eb zgjedhjeve elektorale t\u00eb vitit 2004, kjo l\u00ebvizje duhet t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrohet automatikisht edhe me kthimin tek pragu i m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm prej 3% si dhe tek nj\u00eb prag natyror p\u00ebr kandidat\u00ebt e pavarur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb pragu i ul\u00ebt t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb si valvul sigurese p\u00ebr tendencat autokratike t\u00eb lidershipit t\u00eb partive. Nevoja p\u00ebr uljen e pragut \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tem\u00eb gjithashtu e komplikuar q\u00eb meriton nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme m\u00eb vete me k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb list\u00ebn.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u00c7\u00ebshtja e reform\u00ebs zgjedhore \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tem\u00eb e nxeht\u00eb q\u00eb shfaqet hera-her\u00ebs, qoft\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri e qoft\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, dhe ngjall gjithmon\u00eb debat t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr sepse p\u00ebrzgjedhja e nj\u00ebrit apo tjetrit sistem zgjedhor \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr vendimet m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme institucionale n\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem demokratik. Ndryshimi i sistemit zgjedhor ka nj\u00eb ndikim t\u00eb thell\u00eb tek […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":373,"featured_media":10409,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[972,1853,1852],"ppma_author":[367],"class_list":["post-5141","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-kosove","tag-listat-e-hapura","tag-reforma-zgjedhore"],"authors":[{"term_id":367,"user_id":373,"is_guest":0,"slug":"adri-nurellari","display_name":"Adri Nurellari","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Nurellari","first_name":"Adri","description":"Adri Nurellari \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, k\u00ebshilltar dhe kolumnist i angazhuar kryesisht n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs dhe medias. Ai ka vijuar studimet universitare n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe ato pasuniversitare n\u00eb Cambridge, London School of Economics dhe University College London. Adri \u00ebsht\u00eb ish-k\u00ebshilltar i kryeministrit Sali Berisha dhe ish-sekretar i PDIU-s\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ka punuar si pedagog n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb. Ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar si analist dhe konsulent nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb prej vitit 2013 punon si k\u00ebshilltar i Hashim Tha\u00e7it."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5141","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/373"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5141"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5141\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10410,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5141\/revisions\/10410"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10409"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5141"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5141"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5141"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5141"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}