{"id":5152,"date":"2016-05-11T12:45:35","date_gmt":"2016-05-11T10:45:35","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5152"},"modified":"2024-11-12T12:47:52","modified_gmt":"2024-11-12T10:47:52","slug":"pragu-zgjedhor-dhe-kostoja-demokratike","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/pragu-zgjedhor-dhe-kostoja-demokratike\/","title":{"rendered":"Pragu zgjedhor dhe kostoja demokratike"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Fatkeq\u00ebsisht si n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ashtu edhe n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri ndryshimet n\u00eb sistemin zgjedhor dhe kodin ligjor p\u00ebrkat\u00ebs b\u00ebhet vet\u00ebm kur afrohen zgjedhjet nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn mes dy zgjedhjeve reforma elektorale neglizhohet t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht nga debate publik. Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet m\u00eb t\u00eb diskutuara n\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb padyshim pragu zgjedhor i lart\u00eb prej 5% i cili u vendos i till\u00eb p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhjet e vitit 2007. N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri pragu \u00ebsht\u00eb formalisht i ul\u00ebt, mir\u00ebpo duke patur parasysh ndarjen e vendit n\u00eb 12 zona zgjedhore at\u00ebhere pragu natyror (me p\u00ebrjashtim t\u00eb Tiran\u00ebs dhe Fierit) del t\u00eb jet\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb i lart\u00eb duke e rritur shum\u00eb koston e hyrjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb aktori t\u00eb ri politik n\u00eb vend.<\/p>\n

Mesatarja e pragut electoral n\u00eb vendet e Evrop\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb pak m\u00eb shume se 4 % dhe vet\u00ebm 5 vende kan\u00eb prag m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb se 5% . K\u00ebto vende jan\u00eb Turqia (10%), Lihtenshtajni (8%),\u00a0 Rusia (7%), Gjeorgjia (7%) si dhe Moldavia me 6%. Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia mes pragut t\u00eb lart\u00eb elektoral dhe zhvillimit t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb diskutuar dhe analizuar prej koh\u00ebsh dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb re nj\u00eb lidhje shkak pasoj\u00eb mes pragut dhe cil\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb demokracis\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse sipas rezolut\u00ebs 1547 t\u00eb vitit 2007 (58) t\u00eb K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs, rekomandohet q\u00eb demokracit\u00eb nuk duhet t\u00eb ken\u00eb prag m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb se 3% n\u00eb zgjedhjet parlamentare n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb lejohet p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi i maksimumit t\u00eb opinioneve. Sipas k\u00ebsaj rezolute p\u00ebrjashtimi i grupimeve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve prej t\u00eb drejt\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar politikisht n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet pragu t\u00eb lart\u00eb zgjedhor \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebmtuese ndaj demokracis\u00eb. Sipas k\u00ebsaj rezolute \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme q\u00eb t\u00eb gjendet nj\u00eb ekuilib\u00ebr mes p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve dhe efikasitetit n\u00eb parlament apo qeverisje dhe pragu 3% \u00ebsht\u00eb ideal n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt.<\/p>\n

Arsyeja kryesore p\u00ebrse duhet q\u00eb t\u00eb ulet pragu lidhet padyshim me shtimin e pluralizmit dhe konkurrenc\u00ebs n\u00eb sistemit partiak. M\u00eb e mira p\u00ebr Kosov\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte q\u00eb t\u00eb kthehet n\u00eb 3% si\u00e7 ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2004 p\u00ebr partit\u00eb dhe mund\u00ebsisht t\u00eb lihej n\u00eb prag natyror p\u00ebr kandidat\u00ebt e pavarur. Nd\u00ebrsa p\u00ebr ta ulur k\u00ebt\u00eb prag Shqip\u00ebri do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb hiqej dor\u00eb nga proporcionali rajonal duke vendosur nj\u00eb zon\u00eb t\u00eb vetme komb\u00ebtare zgjedhore ose s\u00eb paku duke ulur numrin e zonave zgjedhor enga 12 n\u00eb 6.<\/p>\n

Pragu m\u00eb i ul\u00ebt shton konkurenc\u00ebn dhe inkurajon rip\u00ebrt\u00ebritjen e elit\u00ebs politike inkurajon m\u00eb shum\u00eb parti dhe kandidat\u00eb t\u00eb rinj t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre q\u00eb t\u00eb marrin pjes\u00eb n\u00eb loj\u00ebn politike. Pragu i lart\u00eb i dekurajon futjen n\u00eb gar\u00eb dhe minimizon konkurrenc\u00ebn politike n\u00eb vend. Mund t\u00eb hamend\u00ebsohet se ka figura publike apo t\u00eb rinj t\u00eb talentuar q\u00eb do t\u00eb donit t\u00eb donin t\u00eb angazhoheshin n\u00eb politike mir\u00ebpo nuk mendojn\u00eb se partit\u00eb ekzistuese i p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb miri q\u00ebndrimet apo synimet e tyre politike. K\u00ebta individ\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb formonin subjekte t\u00eb reja politike mir\u00ebpo friksohen nga ky veprim sepse shanset p\u00ebr t\u00eb kap\u00ebrcyer pragun dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019u futur n\u00eb parlamnet jan\u00eb t\u00eb vogla me pragun 5% sikurse \u00ebsht\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar nga rasti i Partis\u00eb reformative ORA n\u00eb 2007 apo Frym\u00ebs s\u00eb Re\u00a0 n\u00eb 2010.<\/p>\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr ulja e pragut do t\u00eb shtonte edhe demokracin\u00eb e brendshme partiake sepse fraksionet apo z\u00ebrat ndryshe brenda partis\u00eb do mund ta k\u00ebrc\u00ebnonin lidershipin e partive t\u00eb m\u00ebdhaja me rrezikun e skizm\u00ebt, pra shk\u00ebputjes dhe formimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb partie nga e para. Ka pasur raste q\u00eb ky impakt shum\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs sikurse ndodhi me rastin e Lidhjes Demokratike t\u00eb Dardanis\u00eb (LDD) apo NISMA t\u00eb cilat duke u shk\u00ebputur nga partia m\u00ebm\u00eb ia kan\u00eb dal\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb kap\u00ebrcejn\u00eb pragun prej 5%. Mir\u00ebpo n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi ky prag konsiderohet tep\u00ebr i lart\u00eb deh shpesh k\u00ebto z\u00ebra ndryshe detyrohen t\u00eb heshtin apo konformohen me shumic\u00ebn e partis\u00eb ku jan\u00eb sepse mund\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb skizm\u00eb t\u00eb suksesshme \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e ul\u00ebt. N\u00ebse mund\u00ebsia p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur nj\u00eb shk\u00ebputje t\u00eb suksesshme \u00ebsht\u00eb e lart\u00eb at\u00ebhere edhe lidershipi i partive do t\u00eb detyrohej q\u00eb t\u00eb tregohej m\u00eb gjithp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs dhe tolerues e mir\u00ebkuptues sepse mund\u00ebsia e k\u00ebtyre fraksioneve p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb presion brenda partis\u00eb do t\u00eb shtohej ngaq\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi do ishte m\u00eb real dhe efikas. Kjo konkurenc\u00eb e shtuar do t\u00eb kishte impakt t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb n\u00eb rritjen e cil\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit politik dhe frym\u00ebs s\u00eb debatit t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm n\u00eb partit\u00eb ekzistuese.<\/p>\n

Kuptohet q\u00eb shtimi i konkurrenc\u00ebs politike jo vet\u00ebm rrit cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e ofert\u00ebs politike q\u00eb i jepet publikut por nj\u00ebherazi rrit edhe pjes\u00ebmarrjen n\u00eb politik\u00eb. Ka studime konkrete q\u00eb d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb se sistemi elektoral proporcional komb\u00ebtar me prag t\u00eb ul\u00ebt \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i p\u00ebrshtatshmi p\u00ebr t\u00eb shtuar daljen n\u00eb votime. Pjes\u00ebmarrja n\u00eb votime n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ka p\u00ebsuar nj\u00eb rr\u00ebnie t\u00eb ndjeshme brenda nj\u00eb dekade duke vajtur nga 51.11% n\u00eb zgjedhjet parlamentare t\u00eb vitit 2004 n\u00eb 42.63% n\u00eb vitin 2014. Kuptohet q\u00eb kjo p\u00ebrqindje duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb de facto m\u00eb e madhe kur t\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr rezident\u00ebt pasi diku tek 1\/3 e list\u00ebs s\u00eb votimit duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb e p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb me shtetas t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb gjenden n\u00eb m\u00ebrgim, mir\u00ebpo tat\u00ebpjeta n\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrje \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb reale. P\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar nj\u00eb ide t\u00eb trendeve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb daljes n\u00eb votime duhet patur parasysh q\u00eb gjat\u00eb viteve 1990-2001 mesatarja e daljes n\u00eb votim n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Per\u00ebndimore ishte 78%, n\u00eb Oqeani 79%, n\u00eb Amerik\u00ebn Qendrore dhe t\u00eb Jugut 69%, n\u00eb Amerik\u00ebn e Veriut dhe Karaibe 65%, n\u00eb Afrik\u00eb 64% nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb rajonin ton\u00eb, pra n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Qendrore dhe Lindore ka qen\u00eb 72%.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb aspektin e deformimit t\u00eb vot\u00ebs duhet p\u00ebrmendur edhe se nj\u00eb prag i lart\u00eb b\u00ebn q\u00eb votat p\u00ebr partit\u00eb q\u00eb nuk e kapin dot p\u00ebrqindjen e k\u00ebrkuar t\u00eb shkojn\u00eb d\u00ebm dhe ekzistojn\u00eb disa raste t\u00eb \u00e7uditshme ku deformimi i vot\u00ebs ka marr\u00eb p\u00ebrmasa t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme. K\u00ebshtu p\u00ebr shembull n\u00eb zgjedhjet parlamentare t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1995 mbi 45% e votave shkuan tek parti t\u00eb cilat nuk kan\u00eb kaluar pragun gj\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se pothuaj gjysma e vullnetit t\u00eb popullit ngeli i pap\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar n\u00eb parlament. E nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb ndodhi n\u00eb Turqi n\u00eb vitin 2002 kur partit\u00eb q\u00eb s\u2019kap\u00ebrcy\u00ebn dot pragun mor\u00ebn 45% t\u00eb votave nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb Partia\u00a0p\u00ebr Drejt\u00ebsi dhe Zhvillim (AKP) me vet\u00ebm 34.3% t\u00eb votave siguroi 363 vende n\u00eb parlament q\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb 66% t\u00eb 550 vendeve q\u00eb ka Mexhlisi turk. Mir\u00ebpo duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb q\u00eb ironikisht ky deformin nuk shkon detyrimisht n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin drejtim, k\u00ebshtu p\u00ebr shembull n\u00eb zgjedhjet parlamentare t\u00eb vitit 2007 Erdogani shtoi p\u00ebrqindjen e votave dhe mori 46.6% t\u00eb votave ama ato u p\u00ebrkthyen n\u00eb 341 deuptet\u00eb pra m\u00eb pak vende \u00eb parlament, E nj\u00ebjta tendenc\u00eb ndodhi n\u00eb zgjedhjet e vitit 2011 ku AKP triumfoi me 49.8% t\u00eb votave ama numri i deputet\u00ebve ra n\u00eb 327.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs jan\u00eb dhjet\u00ebra mij\u00ebra votat e votuesve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs t\u00eb cilat shkojn\u00eb d\u00ebm si pasoj\u00eb e partive q\u00eb nuk e kalojn\u00eb pragun, sikurse ndodhi me votat e shumta t\u00eb partis\u00eb ORA n\u00eb 2007, FER-in n\u00eb 2010 apo AKR-n\u00eb 2014. P\u00ebr t\u00eb matur k\u00ebt\u00eb lloj deformimi t\u00eb vot\u00ebs p\u00ebrdoret nj\u00eb tregues i disporpocionalitetit apo shp\u00ebrpjestimit q\u00eb quhet indikatori Gallagher me vlera nga 0 deri n\u00eb 100 dhe ku sa m\u00eb e ul\u00ebt vlera aq m\u00eb e ul\u00ebt \u00ebsht\u00eb niveli i deformimit apo shp\u00ebrpjestimit nd\u00ebrsa sa m\u00eb e lart\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb aq me i lart\u00eb ky nivel. N\u00eb vitin 2004 kur Kosova ishte ende me nj\u00eb prag prej 3% ky indikator ishte vet\u00ebm 1.78 q\u00eb tregon se rezultati zgjedhor siguronte nj\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim shum\u00eb proporcional t\u00eb votave dhe deformimi ishte minimal. Mir\u00ebpo kur e llogarisim k\u00ebt\u00eb indeks n\u00eb zgjedhjet pasardh\u00ebse me prag 5% ky indikator rritet ndjesh\u00ebm dhe b\u00ebhet 4.4 pra rritet m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dyfish niveli i disproporcionalitetit.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr argumentet q\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret nga studiuesit e fush\u00ebs kund\u00ebr nj\u00eb pragu shum\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt \u00ebsht\u00eb frika e prishjes s\u00eb stabilitetit politik n\u00eb vend n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet rritjes s\u00eb fragmentizimit t\u00eb sistemit partiak.\u00a0 Mir\u00ebpo indikator\u00ebt q\u00eb p\u00ebrdoren p\u00ebr t\u00eb analizuar instabilitetin politik n\u00ebse p\u00ebrllogariten p\u00ebr Kosov\u00eb tregojn\u00eb se nuk ka ndonj\u00eb tendenc\u00eb apo rrezik t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb tronditje t\u00eb sistemit partia apo p\u00ebrmbysje realitetit politik Kosovar.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr indikator\u00ebt q\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fush\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb matur nivelin e cop\u00ebzimit apo fragmentizimit t\u00eb sistemit partiak \u00ebsht\u00eb indikatori i numrit t\u00eb partive efektive. Ky indikator nuk llogarit\u00eb numrin e partive me sy t\u00eb lir\u00eb pra cilat jan\u00eb siglat partiake t\u00eb pranishme, por i mat ato hipotetikisht duke\u00a0 p\u00ebrllogaritur pesh\u00ebn relative t\u00eb partive. N\u00ebse numri efektiv i partive, pra indikatori i fragmentimit do t\u00eb ndikohej nga ndryshimi i sistemit zgjedhor, at\u00ebhr\u00eb pritshm\u00ebria do ishte q\u00eb me rritjen e pragut dekurajohet fragmentimi dhe ky num\u00ebr do t\u00eb vinte n\u00eb ulje. \u00a0Ky num\u00ebr p\u00ebrllogaritet ose p\u00ebrkundrejt pesh\u00ebs s\u00eb votave q\u00eb parti t\u00eb ndryshme marrin n\u00eb proces zgjedhor ose p\u00ebrkundrejt numrit t\u00eb deputet\u00ebve q\u00eb ka n\u00eb parlament.<\/p>\n

Duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrllogaritja \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb qoft\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast por edhe n\u00eb rastin e m\u00ebsip\u00ebrm t\u00eb indikatorit Gallagher, mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb votat e partive t\u00eb komunitetit shqiptar si dhe n\u00eb 100 ul\u00ebset e Kuvendit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Duke ditur q\u00eb 1\/6 e ul\u00ebseve t\u00eb parlamentit jan\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00eb t\u00eb pakicave si pasoj\u00eb e diskriminimit pozitiv ndaj pakicave t\u00eb cilat vet\u00eb marrin shum\u00eb pak vota. P\u00ebr shembull n\u00eb vitin 2010, 8 ul\u00ebse shkuan tek parti t\u00eb pakicave q\u00eb secila m\u00eb vete nuk mori m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 0.5% t\u00eb totalit t\u00eb votave n\u00eb nivel shtet\u00ebror.\u00a0 Pra nese edhe partit\u00eb e pakicave do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshiheshin n\u00eb llogaritje, do t\u00eb dilte nj\u00eb rezultat q\u00eb m\u00eb shume se sa mat impaktin e sistemit t\u00eb zgjedhor reflekton garancit\u00eb kushtetuese apo masat afirmative ndaj pakicave.<\/p>\n

Rasti i Kosov\u00ebs tregon q\u00eb treguesi i fragmentimit jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ulur pas vendosjes s\u00eb pragut t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2007, por madje \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur leht\u00eb. Kur matet pesha specifike e partive n\u00eb vota del se n\u00eb zgjedhjet parlamentare t\u00eb vitit 2004 me prag zgjedhor 3% numri efektiv ishte\u00a0 3.32 nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb zgjedhjet e vitit 2007 ky num\u00ebr vajti 4.88 nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb 2010 vajti 5.02. Par\u00eb brenda legjislativit numri efektiv ishte 3.08 n\u00eb vitin 2004 nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb 2007 dhe 2010 ishte respektivisht 4.19 dhe 4.36.\u00a0 Kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm q\u00eb nuk u ul fragmentimi, por pati nj\u00eb rritje t\u00eb ndjeshme t\u00eb fragmentimit pra rritja e pragut zgjedhor nuk mund t\u00eb konsiderohet si ndonj\u00eb mas\u00eb efikase kund\u00ebr fragmentimit n\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs. N\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi k\u00ebto shifra jan\u00eb t\u00eb arsyeshme e jo t\u00eb ekzagjeruara kur ky indikator krahasohet me vende t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb kan\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem proporcional komb\u00ebtar, pra edhe tendenca e fragmentimit mund t\u00eb duket e vog\u00ebl.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr indikator q\u00eb flet p\u00ebr stabilitetin apo institucionalizimin e sistemit partiak \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i volatilitetit apo luhatshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb votave. P\u00ebr ta matur volatilitetin pra l\u00ebvizshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e votave prej nj\u00eb partie n\u00eb nj\u00eb parti tjet\u00ebr, p\u00ebrdoret indeksi Pedersen. N\u00eb vendet e e tranzicionit ku sistemi partiak nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb konsoliduar sa duhet kuptohet q\u00eb ky indeks \u00ebsht\u00eb i lart\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb demokracit\u00eb e zhvilluara sjellja elektorale \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e stabilizuar dhe indeksi Pedersen \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i ul\u00ebt. N\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs ky tregues del 12.4% q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb relativisht i ul\u00ebt krahasuar me vendet n\u00eb tranzicion dhe flet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb stabilitet t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb votuesve. N\u00eb vendet post-komuniste t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Qendrore dhe Lindore indikatori Pedersen \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0 mesatarisht\u00a0 27.1,\u00a0 n\u00eb Amerik\u00ebn Latine 21.4, n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Per\u00ebndimore 7.7 nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb 4.5. Me pak fjal\u00eb duke llogaritur treguesi i volatilitetit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb s\u00eb bashku me nj\u00eb indikator fragmentimi jo t\u00eb madh flasin p\u00ebr nj\u00eb tendenc\u00eb drejt institucionalizimit t\u00eb sistemit partiak dhe konsolidimit t\u00eb sjelljes elektorale.<\/p>\n

Padyshim q\u00eb k\u00ebto jan\u00eb tendenca q\u00eb mund edhe t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb dyt\u00eb, ka pasur vende t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb kan\u00eb pasur sisteme partiake edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb konsoliduara se ky i Kosov\u00ebs dhe rrethana t\u00eb caktuara kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb ndryshime thelb\u00ebsore. Mund t\u00eb ndodh t\u00eb vij nj\u00eb lider karizmatik si Berluskoni n\u00eb vitet 90-t\u00eb e t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb parti fituese nga e para. Ose mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb kriza ekonomike si kjo bot\u00ebrorja q\u00eb n\u00eb Greqi ka nxjerr\u00eb nj\u00eb parti krejt t\u00eb re n\u00eb fuqi si Syriza nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm ka c\u00ebnuar dy-partitizmin spanjoll duke nxjerr\u00eb Ciudadanos dhe Podemos.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb p\u00ebr momentin mund t\u00eb thuhet q\u00eb sistemi partiak \u00ebsht\u00eb relativisht i institucionalizuar dhe kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb q\u00eb kostoja potenciale e c\u00ebnimit t\u00eb uljes s\u00eb pragut sipas t\u00eb gjitha gjasave \u00ebsht\u00eb minimale. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebrfitimi do t\u00eb ishte maksimal pasi do t\u00eb shtohej konkurrenca nd\u00ebr-partiake por edhe brenda partive, do t\u00eb nxitej rritja e pjes\u00ebmarrjes n\u00eb politike dhe rip\u00ebrt\u00ebritja e elit\u00ebs si dhe do t\u00eb ulej deformimi i vot\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

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Fatkeq\u00ebsisht si n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ashtu edhe n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri ndryshimet n\u00eb sistemin zgjedhor dhe kodin ligjor p\u00ebrkat\u00ebs b\u00ebhet vet\u00ebm kur afrohen zgjedhjet nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn mes dy zgjedhjeve reforma elektorale neglizhohet t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht nga debate publik. Nj\u00eb nd\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet m\u00eb t\u00eb diskutuara n\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb padyshim pragu zgjedhor i lart\u00eb prej 5% i cili […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":373,"featured_media":10030,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1767,1766],"ppma_author":[367],"class_list":["post-5152","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kostoja-demokratike","tag-pragu-zgjedhor"],"authors":[{"term_id":367,"user_id":373,"is_guest":0,"slug":"adri-nurellari","display_name":"Adri Nurellari","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/adri.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Nurellari","first_name":"Adri","description":"Adri Nurellari \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues, k\u00ebshilltar dhe kolumnist i angazhuar kryesisht n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs dhe medias. Ai ka vijuar studimet universitare n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe ato pasuniversitare n\u00eb Cambridge, London School of Economics dhe University College London. Adri \u00ebsht\u00eb ish-k\u00ebshilltar i kryeministrit Sali Berisha dhe ish-sekretar i PDIU-s\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ka punuar si pedagog n\u00eb Universitetin e Tiran\u00ebs dhe at\u00eb t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb. Ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar si analist dhe konsulent nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb prej vitit 2013 punon si k\u00ebshilltar i Hashim Tha\u00e7it."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5152","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/373"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5152"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5152\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10031,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5152\/revisions\/10031"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10030"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5152"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5152"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5152"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5152"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}