\u201cDy atllar\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb mullar s\u2019lidhen\u201d. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehja popullore p\u00ebr mosdurimin e krenave kur iu duhet ta ndajn\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn hap\u00ebsir\u00eb. \u201dAtllar\u00ebt\u201d jan\u00eb shum\u00ebsi i \u201catit\u201d. Sigurisht, metafora merr shembull p\u00ebr kuajt e mir\u00eb, t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb e t\u00eb zot\u00ebt. Hierarkia e tyre nuk lejon t\u00eb lidhen n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin vend sepse nuk rrin\u00eb dot af\u00ebr me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehje q\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruan mir\u00eb raportin q\u00eb Hashim Tha\u00e7i e Albin Kurti kan\u00eb mes vete. Kurti dhe Tha\u00e7i i kan\u00eb pushtetet e ndara mund t\u00eb thoshte dikush, ndaj nuk kan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin mullar. Sigurisht, n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb normale kompetencat v\u00ebrtet jan\u00eb t\u00eb ndara. Por, problemi \u00ebsht\u00eb tjet\u00ebr. Lufta e Kurtit dhe Tha\u00e7it nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb luft\u00eb p\u00ebr pushtetin q\u00eb t\u00eb jep institucioni. Ata e duan pushtetin e Nj\u00ebshit, vendin e sovranit.<\/p>\n
Sovrani i dit\u00ebve tona nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pushteti i zotit n\u00eb tok\u00eb, por shp\u00ebtimtari nga katastrofa. Ai vendos n\u00eb situata t\u00eb r\u00ebnda. N\u00eb fush\u00ebn e studimeve t\u00eb gjendjes s\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme, nd\u00ebr komponentet kryesore \u00ebsht\u00eb nevoja, vler\u00ebsimi mbi nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr ta shpallur at\u00eb. Shkurt, ky \u00ebsht\u00eb momenti kur realiteti faktik b\u00ebhet emri dhe norma e vetme e veprimit. Sovrani \u00ebsht\u00eb ura kaluese q\u00eb autorizon pezullimin e norm\u00ebs. Si i till\u00eb, ka dicka prej ligji tek vet\u00eb ai.<\/p>\n
Pushteti i sovranit q\u00eb shpall\u00eb gjendjen e jasht\u00ebzakonshme nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb demokratik e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues. \u00cbsht\u00eb disi n\u00eb personin e tij, n\u00eb cil\u00ebsit\u00eb, karakterin e intelektin e tij burimi i autoritetit. Sovrani \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb vjen pas shprehjes \u201cfjala e fundit e ligjit\u201d, fjala e tij si ligj. A nuk e shohim vazhdimisht nj\u00eb shfaqje t\u00eb till\u00eb midis Kurtit dhe Tha\u00e7it. Tamam si\u00e7 e p\u00ebrshkruan sovranin p\u00ebrball\u00eb gjendjes s\u00eb jash\u00ebzakonshm\u00eb Giorgio Agamben. P\u00ebrplasja e tyre kryesore erdhi pik\u00ebrisht tek kjo zon\u00eb e pushtetit. Tek gjendja e jasht\u00ebzakonshme, rreth momentit arbitrar t\u00eb shpalljes, kur norma i l\u00ebshon rrug\u00eb forc\u00ebs. T\u00eb dy shkelen normat, Kurti Kushtetut\u00ebn, kurse Tha\u00e7i provokoi kaos kur k\u00ebrkoi mosbindje.<\/p>\n
Ati \u00ebsht\u00eb baba. Kontrolli i tij m\u00eb efikas vjen nga mbrojtja dhe lidhja afektive.<\/p>\n
Nuk ka asnj\u00eb kuptim t\u00eb pyes\u00ebsh mbi prejardhjen e autoritetit t\u00eb bab\u00ebs. N\u00eb momentin q\u00eb baba duhet t\u00eb shpjegohet, ai m\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb. Baba sepse baba. Kurtin e Tha\u00e7in i bashkon ambicia p\u00ebr pushtet biopolitik, por identiteti i tyre k\u00ebtu merr fund.<\/p>\n
Prej vitit 1999 Tha\u00e7i ka qen\u00eb protagonist i vendimeve kryesore mbi Kosov\u00ebn. Protagonizmi, tejprezenca e fodull\u00ebku i tij e kan\u00eb d\u00ebmtuar shpesh Kosov\u00ebn. N\u00ebse duhet p\u00ebrmbledhur profilin e tij, ai ka ndjekur dogm\u00ebn neoliberale n\u00eb ekonomi t\u00eb cil\u00ebs ia shohim pasojat edhe sot; ka qeverisur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb autoritare, kryesisht duke shtrir\u00eb ndikimin n\u00ebp\u00ebr institucione.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb momentin konkret, tema p\u00ebr shpallje t\u00eb gjendjes s\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme nuk mund t\u2019i ikte nevoj\u00ebs s\u00eb tij p\u00ebr spikatje. Bash k\u00ebtu fillon shp\u00ebrfaqja e problemeve ideologjike q\u00eb e shpjegojn\u00eb figur\u00ebn e Kurtit. P\u00ebrpjekja e presidentit p\u00ebr gjendjen e jasht\u00ebzakonshme, na u trumbetua si puq ndaj kryeministrit, nga ana e k\u00ebtij t\u00eb fundit. Kryeministri na tha se n\u00eb mbledhjen e K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Siguris\u00eb kishim nj\u00eb puq nga presidenti. Fjala e nxjerr\u00eb i hipi fluturakes sapo pam\u00eb Kurtin gjysm\u00eb ore pas Tha\u00e7it tek fliste p\u00ebrmes Haki Abazit. Krahasa pandemis\u00eb, taksa ishte \u00e7\u00ebshtje e dit\u00ebs. Kjo po b\u00ebhej p\u00ebr ta hequr taks\u00ebn. T\u00eb tjer\u00eb thoshin se Tha\u00e7i me k\u00ebt\u00eb rast po ia merr pushtetin Kurtit. Kurti nd\u00ebrkaq ishte m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00eb. Presidenti po planifikonte provokimin e situat\u00ebs n\u00eb veriun e vendit, duke aluduar n\u00eb nj\u00eb sulm ushtarak ku mund t\u00eb kishim gjakderdhje, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb fund t\u00eb legjitimohej ndarja\u2026<\/p>\n
Le t\u2019ia hedhim nj\u00eb sy rregullativ\u00ebs ligjore dhe zhvillimit t\u00eb ngjarjeve. Gjendjen e jasht\u00ebzakonshme e shpall\u00eb Kuvendi dhe jo Presidenti apo K\u00ebshilli i Siguris\u00eb. Por, as Kushtetuta as Ligji mbi K\u00ebshillin e Siguris\u00eb nuk i jep fuqi ekzekutive presidentit me k\u00ebt\u00eb rast. Ligji p\u00ebr K\u00ebshillin e Siguris\u00eb i jep fuqi ekzekutive k\u00ebtij K\u00ebshilli, kurse ky i fundit p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet nga ministrat e kryeministri ku kalon pushteti ekzekutiv. Gjith\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb ndryshon \u00ebsht\u00eb kryesimi i mbledhjeve q\u00eb n\u00eb gjendjen e jasht\u00ebzakonshme kalon nga kryeministri tek presidenti. Por, ky i fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb vot\u00eb. Neni 131 n\u00eb Pik\u00ebn 7 t\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebs madje kufizon duke specifikuar fush\u00ebveprimin e K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Siguris\u00eb vet\u00ebm lidhur me situat\u00ebn e krijuar.<\/p>\n
Zhvillimi i ngjarjeve n\u00eb fakt \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb i thjesht\u00eb dhe transparent. Kryeministrit rreziku i vinte nga partneri i koalicionit, n\u00eb drit\u00eb t\u00eb diellit, hapur. Madje p\u00ebr arsye q\u00eb LDK nuk lodhet duke e p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur publikisht sepse e konsideron popullore: lidhjet historike me ShBA.<\/p>\n
Sigurisht, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb e dim\u00eb se Hashim Tha\u00e7i nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb djal\u00eb pa sherr, q\u00eb rri, shikon e pret. Prirjet e tij p\u00ebr akumulim pushteti i njohim sepse i kemi par\u00eb. Mund t\u00eb shkojm\u00eb edhe m\u00eb larg. Po themi se gjith\u00eb k\u00ebto pretendime jan\u00eb reale dhe t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta. Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, kjo mend\u00ebsi, ky diskurs, ka di\u00e7ka t\u00eb err\u00ebt e patologjike n\u00eb vetvete.<\/p>\n
Por, nga vjen dhe si shpjegohet rr\u00ebfimi p\u00ebr komplotin e fshehur ndaj kryeministrit. Bot\u00ebkuptimi i tij vjen nga tradita bolshevike. Nyja kyqe k\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia me historin\u00eb. Nj\u00eb shpjegim shkencor mbi historin\u00eb na \u00ebsht\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb. Ky shpjegim i jepte proletariatit rolin e p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb historis\u00eb (marksizmi hegelian \u2013 Lukacs&Co). P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb rol mund t\u00eb dim\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb, porse \u00e7asje n\u00eb fatet e historis\u00eb kan\u00eb vet\u00ebm kuadrot pararoj\u00eb t\u00eb Partis\u00eb. Kjo mpleksje, ku n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb e kemi garanc\u00ebn shkencore, kurse n\u00eb tjetr\u00ebn rolin historik t\u00eb paz\u00ebv\u00ebnd\u00ebsuesh\u00ebm, i jep natyr\u00eb ontologjike subjektit. Sado paradoksal q\u00eb ting\u00ebllon formulimi, subjekti b\u00ebhet kushti p\u00ebr realizimin e domosdoshm\u00ebris\u00eb historike. Kurse vet\u00eb natyra e subjektit \u00ebsht\u00eb liria si nd\u00ebrhyrje, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr domosdoshm\u00ebris\u00eb. Kur b\u00ebhesh kusht p\u00ebr historin\u00eb, pararoja sheh armiq gjithandej. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb, nat\u00ebn dhe dit\u00ebn b\u00ebjn\u00eb plane kund\u00ebr tij. Ajo funskionon me profeci vetp\u00ebrmbush\u00ebse. Gjith\u00e7ka q\u00eb ndodh b\u00ebhet pjes\u00eb e tregimit teleologjik. Kjo frik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb burim i kontrollit. Ky procedim e b\u00ebn pararoj\u00ebn paranoj\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Gjendja e jasht\u00ebzakonshme \u00ebsht\u00eb mas\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb shum\u00eb kujdes, edhe kur at\u00eb e shpall\u00eb Kuvendi me shumic\u00eb t\u00eb kualifikuar. Tendencat de-demokratizuese n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb flasin p\u00ebr anashkalim t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj procedure dhe zgjatjen e disa prej masave edhe pas kalimit t\u00eb nevoj\u00ebs. Patriotic Act ishte shpallur pas sulmeve t\u00eb 11 shtatorit, por t\u00eb drejtat dhe lirit\u00eb e njer\u00ebzve jan\u00eb c\u00ebnuar pakthyesh\u00ebm. Raporti i shtetit me njer\u00ebzit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer kurr\u00eb n\u00eb gjendjen paraprake. Ne jetojm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebzhguar e t\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrur, me kontrolle e mure. Gjith\u00eb kjo p\u00ebr ne, p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb ton\u00eb. Nj\u00eb gj\u00eb dihet me siguri, sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb siguri k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb, teksa i dor\u00ebzohemi shtetit, m\u00eb pak liri do t\u00eb kemi.<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri demokratike duhet t\u2019ia ruaj\u00eb gjendjes s\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme statusin e p\u00ebrjashtimit t\u00eb rrall\u00eb. N\u00eb diskutimin midis p\u00ebrgatitjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb ligji q\u00eb kufizon t\u00eb drejtat dhe lirit\u00eb, apo shpalljes s\u00eb gjendjes s\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme ne duhet t\u00eb kemi kujdes. Cilado rrug\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb ndiqet, ajo duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb rigoroze n\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktimin e qart\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre elementeve: afatizim kohor q\u00eb lidhet me koh\u00ebzgjatjen e pandemis\u00eb; fusha e veprimit duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb e kufizuar me mbrojtjen nga pandemia; kurse organi q\u00eb e merr vendimin \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm Kuvendi.<\/p>\n
Ndryshe, abuzimi me gjendjen e jasht\u00ebzakonshme e b\u00ebn at\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb liris\u00eb. Kur ky \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti, ajo nuk mund t\u00eb reduktohet n\u00eb procedura. T\u00eb gjitha dokumentet juridike, deri tek kushtetuta jan\u00eb ve\u00e7se reflektim i pajtimit ton\u00eb shoq\u00ebror mbi lirin\u00eb si di\u00e7ka t\u00eb panegociueshme. N\u00eb fund, qytetar\u00ebt e lir\u00eb jan\u00eb garanc\u00eb p\u00ebr lirin\u00eb q\u00eb e kemi. Asnj\u00eb sovran mbi kok\u00eb. Kjo shoq\u00ebri nuk do ta duroj\u00eb hyqmin e askujt.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
\u201cDy atllar\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb mullar s\u2019lidhen\u201d. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb shprehja popullore p\u00ebr mosdurimin e krenave kur iu duhet ta ndajn\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn hap\u00ebsir\u00eb. \u201dAtllar\u00ebt\u201d jan\u00eb shum\u00ebsi i \u201catit\u201d. Sigurisht, metafora merr shembull p\u00ebr kuajt e mir\u00eb, t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb e t\u00eb zot\u00ebt. Hierarkia e tyre nuk lejon t\u00eb lidhen n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin vend sepse nuk rrin\u00eb dot […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":78,"featured_media":9177,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[677,1551],"ppma_author":[88],"class_list":["post-5288","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-albin-kurti","tag-hashim-thaci"],"authors":[{"term_id":88,"user_id":78,"is_guest":0,"slug":"zgjim-hyseni","display_name":"Zgjim Hyseni","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/zgjim.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/zgjim.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Hyseni","first_name":"Zgjim","description":"Zgjim Hyseni \u00ebsht\u00eb ish-drejtues i Sekretariatit p\u00ebr Formim Ideo-politik i L\u00ebvizjes Vet\u00ebvendosje!, Hyseni \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtar i kryesis\u00eb i Partis\u00eb Socialdemokrate."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5288","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/78"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5288"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5288\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9179,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5288\/revisions\/9179"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9177"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5288"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5288"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5288"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5288"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}