{"id":5294,"date":"2020-03-31T15:57:44","date_gmt":"2020-03-31T13:57:44","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5294"},"modified":"2024-12-19T16:06:00","modified_gmt":"2024-12-19T14:06:00","slug":"pse-zgjati-qeveria-kurti-vetem-50-dite-ne-pushtet","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/pse-zgjati-qeveria-kurti-vetem-50-dite-ne-pushtet\/","title":{"rendered":"Pse zgjati Qeveria Kurti vet\u00ebm 50 dit\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet?"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Masat e hershme t\u00eb izolimit t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarra nga Qeveria e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb mars i kontribuuan suksesit n\u00eb ballafaqimin me pandemin\u00eb e Covid-19, pasi vendi ka regjistruar m\u00eb pak se 110 infeskione dhe nj\u00eb vdekje deri m\u00eb tash. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, Qeveria filloi t\u00eb angazhohet n\u00eb zvog\u00eblimin e pagave p\u00ebr zyrtar\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb qeveritar\u00eb dhe n\u00eb shkarkimin e bordeve t\u00eb disa nd\u00ebrmarrjeve publike t\u00eb cilat n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb prekura nga korrupsioni, duke sinjalizuar nj\u00eb qeveri premtuese anti-korrupsion t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga nj\u00eb gjenerat\u00eb e re politikan\u00ebsh.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Por Qeveria u shkarkua vet\u00ebm pas 50 dit\u00ebsh n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb mesin e kriz\u00ebs Covid-19. Udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsia e Lidhjes Demokratke t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs (LDK) publikisht mb\u00ebshteste inciativ\u00ebn e Presidentit p\u00ebr t\u00eb shpallur \u201cgjendje t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme\u201d n\u00eb lidhje me koronavirusin, n\u00eb kund\u00ebrth\u00ebnie me q\u00ebndrimet e Kryeministrit, mir\u00ebpo m\u00eb shum\u00eb se polemikat rreth ballafaqimit me pandemin\u00eb, ishin rrethanat e brendshme dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare politike si dhe vet\u00eb t\u00eb metat e L\u00ebvizjes Vet\u00ebvendosje (LV) q\u00eb soll\u00ebn fundin e shpejt\u00eb t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Konteksti: Ngritja e LV-s\u00eb p\u00ebrmes diskursit anti-korrupsion<\/strong><\/p>\n

Skena politike e Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e fragmentuar. Pes\u00eb parti shqipare ndajn\u00eb 100 ul\u00ebse n\u00eb Parlament, kurse 20 ul\u00ebse tjera garantohen p\u00ebr minoritetet. Q\u00eb prej pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb (2008), t\u00eb gjitha kabinetet qeveritare jan\u00eb krijuar prej kat\u00ebr ose m\u00eb shum\u00eb partive pasi, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb garancive kushtetuese, n\u00eb secilin kabinet duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb gjithashtu p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsim t\u00eb minoriteteve serbe dhe joserbe. T\u00eb gjitha qeverit\u00eb q\u00eb nga pavar\u00ebsia – pjes\u00eb t\u00eb cilave nuk ka qen\u00eb vet\u00ebm LV nga grupet e sotme parlamentare – kan\u00eb p\u00ebrfunduar edhe m\u00eb par\u00eb pa shpenzuar mandatin e plot\u00eb, duke \u00e7uar n\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme.<\/p>\n

Popullariteti i LV-s\u00eb u rrit n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti gjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb fundit kur filloi t\u00eb artikuloj\u00eb diskurs anti-korrupsion, brenda nj\u00eb agjende politike q\u00eb anonte n\u00eb krahun e majt\u00eb nd\u00ebrsa ia uli z\u00ebrin q\u00ebndrimeve t\u00eb saj m\u00eb nacionaliste, dhe kur rezultatet e p\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb politikave publike shkaktuan l\u00ebvizje votuesish dhe koalicionesh shoq\u00ebrore n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb saj. Partit\u00eb tjera, sidomos tri partit\u00eb e ngritura nga ish lidershipi i Ushtris\u00eb \u00c7lirimtare t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs (U\u00c7K) – Partia Demokratike e Kosov\u00ebs (PDK), fraksioni i ndar\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb prej saj NISMA, dhe Aleanca p\u00ebr Ardhm\u00ebrin\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs (AAK) – u vun\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb kritikave p\u00ebr korrupsion dhe kapje t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapur t\u00eb shtetit. Brenda m\u00eb pak se dhjet\u00eb vitesh q\u00eb kur garoi p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb p\u00ebr Parlament, L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje fitoi m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti (29) deputet\u00eb n\u00eb tetor 2019 – q\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb fitore e ngusht\u00eb por arritje e saj e shk\u00eblqyeshme – duke premtuar q\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb formonte qeveri me partit\u00eb e dala nga U\u00c7K.<\/p>\n

Tabela 1: Ngritja e VV-s\u00eb dhe indikator\u00ebt e korrupsionit p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
<\/td>\n2010<\/td>\n2014<\/td>\n2017<\/td>\n2019<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Ul\u00ebse t\u00eb fituara nga Vet\u00ebvendosje<\/td>\n14<\/td>\n16<\/td>\n32<\/td>\n29<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Indeksi i P\u00ebrceptimit t\u00eb Korrupsionit \u00a0(CPI)<\/td>\n28<\/td>\n33<\/td>\n39<\/td>\n36<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Shkalla e korrupsionit \u2013 Nations in Transit<\/td>\n5.75<\/td>\n6.0<\/td>\n5.75<\/td>\n\u00a0\/<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

N\u00eb CPI, nota m\u00eb e keqe \u00ebsht\u00eb 0, m\u00eb e mira (pa korrupsion) 100; te Nations in Transit,\u00a0nota m\u00eb e keqe \u00ebsht\u00eb 7, m\u00eb e mira (pa korrupsion) 0. Burimet: KQZ 2020, Transparency International 2019, Freedom House 2017.<\/em><\/p>\n

Partit\u00eb tjera mbase u frik\u00ebsuan nga lufta kund\u00ebr-korrupsion, por kjo nuk e rr\u00ebzoi qeverin\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

Qeveria e drejtuar nga L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje, si\u00e7 ia nisi, me shum\u00eb gjasa do ta p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsonte menaxhimin e financave publike, do ta reduktonte korrupsionin dhe do ta ngriste mobilitetin e t\u00eb rinjve n\u00eb politik\u00eb. Frika nga lufta e saj kund\u00ebr korrupsionit me gjas\u00eb ka kontribuuar n\u00eb rezistenc\u00ebn e partive tjera ndaj saj, por v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se kjo frik\u00eb solli fundin e qeveris\u00eb. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, nj\u00eb num\u00ebr arsyesh prapa largimit t\u00eb paprecedent dhe t\u00eb hersh\u00ebm t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhen me bindjet, sjelljet dhe politikat e lidershipit t\u00eb LV-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr aft\u00ebsive t\u00eb shk\u00eblqyeshme retorike t\u00eb liderit t\u00eb LV-s\u00eb Albin Kurti dhe koleg\u00ebve t\u00eb tij t\u00eb af\u00ebrt n\u00eb parti, udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsia e LV \u00ebsht\u00eb treguar shum\u00eb pak fleksibile karshi pik\u00ebpamjeve dhe pozicioneve tjera (q\u00eb ajo nuk ka p\u00ebrqafuar). P.sh. pas zgjedhjeve t\u00eb para parlamentare t\u00eb LV (2010), partneri i saj i koalicionit L\u00ebvizja p\u00ebr Bashkim (LB) ishte ndar\u00eb nga grupi parlamentar i LV. Nj\u00ebjt\u00eb m\u00eb 2010, 12 deputet\u00eb t\u00eb LV-s\u00eb u ndan\u00eb nga grupi i saj parlamentar dhe mor\u00ebn udh\u00ebheqjen e Partis\u00eb Social Demokrate (PSD). Nj\u00eb num\u00ebr deputet\u00ebsh tjer\u00eb individual\u00eb dhe figurash udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse e pat\u00ebn l\u00ebn\u00eb partin\u00eb edhe n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn duke e kritikuar at\u00eb q\u00eb ata e pasqyronin si qasje kontrolluese t\u00eb lidershipit t\u00eb LV. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, LV ka pasur v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi n\u00eb krijimin dhe mir\u00ebmbajtjen edhe t\u00eb koalicioneve n\u00eb nivel lokal.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr ta siguruar mbijetes\u00ebn e tyre politike dhe n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrkushtimit t\u00eb LV drejt nj\u00eb koalicioni t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm qeveris\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00eb pas ndarjesh t\u00eb tilla, L\u00ebvizja p\u00ebr Bashkim, Partia Social Demokrate dhe parti tjera t\u00eb ngjashme t\u00eb vogla me orientim t\u00eb majt\u00eb hyn\u00eb n\u00eb koalicione parazgjedhore me parti tjera, t\u00eb djathta. Rezultatet e mundshme t\u00eb politikave t\u00eb LV nuk duhet as t\u00eb mbivler\u00ebsohen: qeverisja e saj e m\u00ebhershme n\u00eb qytete t\u00eb m\u00ebdha si Prizreni ka d\u00ebshtuar t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb reforma thelb\u00ebsore, lider\u00ebt e saj kryesor\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb mbajtur ndonj\u00eb detyr\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb menaxhuese publike, dhe grupi i saj paralamentar asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk ka inicuar ndonj\u00eb ligj socio-ekonomik me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi. Por edhe sikur t\u00eb kishte performanc\u00eb t\u00eb shk\u00eblqyeshme dhe shum\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb ekspertiz\u00eb brenda struktur\u00ebs s\u00eb vet\u00eb, L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje do ta kishte pasur t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb ta shtynte p\u00ebrpara ndonj\u00eb zhvendosje t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb politikave n\u00eb nj\u00eb Parlament t\u00eb dominuar nga partit\u00eb e djathta. Programi i saj qeveris\u00ebs n\u00eb koalicion me Lidhjen Demokratike t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs sinjalizoi n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi m\u00eb shum\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi sesa ndryshim thelb\u00ebsor n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb politike t\u00eb dizajnuar nga organizatat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare si Kombet e Bashkuara dhe Banka Bot\u00ebrore gjat\u00eb periudh\u00ebs 1999-2008.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje \u00ebsht\u00eb par\u00eb nga disa hulumtues m\u00eb shum\u00eb si parti populiste (shih p.sh. Yabanci, 2016). Nuk ka qen\u00eb pjes\u00eb e l\u00ebvizjes p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsi. LV qe krijuar m\u00eb 2005 si l\u00ebvizje shoq\u00ebrore nga Albin Kurti, aktivist i dikursh\u00ebm studentor dhe ish i burgosur politik lufte. Kurti ka kund\u00ebrshtuar Marr\u00ebveshjen e Parisit q\u00eb \u00e7oi n\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrjen e NATO-s n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs m\u00eb 1999 dhe propozimin p\u00ebr status t\u00eb Emisarit t\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara Marti Ahtisaari q\u00eb \u00e7oi n\u00eb shpalljen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb m\u00eb 2008 me mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb fuqive per\u00ebndimore. LV p\u00ebrkundrazi artikuloi vet\u00ebvendosjen dhe bashkimin me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb, si dhe organizoi protesta kund\u00ebr propozimit t\u00eb Ahtisaarit dhe kund\u00ebr negociatave t\u00eb m\u00ebpastajme Kosov\u00eb-Serbi t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuara q\u00eb nga 2011 nga Bashkimi Europian.<\/p>\n

Kosova mbetet ekonomia m\u00eb e varf\u00ebr n\u00eb krahasim me shtetet e rajonit. Megjithat\u00eb, Kosova e pavarur dhe investimet per\u00ebndimore \u2013 p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr t\u00eb metave t\u00eb tyre \u2013 kan\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar indikator\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb socio-ekonomik\u00eb si numri i t\u00eb pun\u00ebsuarve, GDP-ja komb\u00ebtare, GDP-ja p\u00ebr kok\u00eb banori, mbulimi i popullat\u00ebs me mbrojtje nga varf\u00ebria dhe t\u00eb ardhura pensionale, infrastruktura rrugore dhe shkollore, etj., duke tejkaluar ndjesh\u00ebm arritjet m\u00eb t\u00eb mira t\u00eb Krahin\u00ebs Socialiste Autonome t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs (1974-1989), t\u00eb ngritur me reformat kushtetuese Jugosllave m\u00eb 1974 \u2013 nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrndryshe kishte vendosur themelet e shtetnd\u00ebrtimit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb (shih p.sh. Mustafa, 2020). P\u00ebr k\u00ebto arsye, kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00eb ata q\u00eb nuk e kan\u00eb par\u00eb me sy t\u00eb mir\u00eb hezitimin e L\u00ebvizjes Vet\u00ebvendosje p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrqafuar institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs dhe, koh\u00eb pas kohe, edhe p\u00ebrqeshjen e flamurit dhe himnit t\u00eb saj.<\/p>\n

Qart\u00ebsisht, n\u00eb vitetet e fundit, u pa q\u00eb filloi nj\u00eb konvergjenc\u00eb e Vet\u00ebvendosjes me institucionet ekzistuese dhe kontekstin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar q\u00eb u kuptua si shenj\u00eb maturimi n\u00eb harmoni me p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb po i jepnin votuesit. Kjo p\u00ebrfshinte gatishm\u00ebrin\u00eb e saj t\u00eb shprehur p\u00ebr t\u00eb hyr\u00eb n\u00eb negociatat nd\u00ebrmjet Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb q\u00eb pritet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb me nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje ligj\u00ebrisht obligative p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb dy vendet t\u00eb mund t\u00eb nisin integrimin n\u00eb BE. Megjithat\u00eb, L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje kurr\u00eb nuk ofroi nj\u00eb politik\u00eb alternative realiste n\u00eb k\u00ebto negociata brenda nj\u00eb konteksti multilateral t\u00eb interesave. N\u00eb ve\u00e7anti ajo d\u00ebshtoi t\u00eb fitonte ndonj\u00eb simpati nga Sht\u00ebpia e Bardh\u00eb q\u00eb refuzoi ta takonte kryeministrin Kurti dhe lider\u00ebt tjer\u00eb t\u00eb LV n\u00eb takime t\u00eb nivelit t\u00eb lart\u00eb si gjat\u00eb Konferenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Siguris\u00eb s\u00eb Mynihut, ndali $40 milion\u00eb fonde t\u00eb Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), si dhe disa kongresmen\u00eb republikan\u00eb filluan t\u00eb flisnin p\u00ebr t\u00ebrheqjen e trupave amerikane nga Kosova. LDK ka th\u00ebn\u00eb q\u00eb keq\u00ebsimi i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrmjet Kosov\u00ebs dhe SHBA-s\u00eb, mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit t\u00eb saj kryesor, ka qen\u00eb arsyeja kryesore prapa mocionit.<\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb seanc\u00ebs n\u00eb Parlament p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb b\u00ebhej votimi, Kurti deklaroi q\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje sekrete p\u00ebr shk\u00ebmbim territorial nd\u00ebrmjet president\u00ebve t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ai tha se e kund\u00ebrshtonte, ishte motori prapa mocionit p\u00ebr shkarkimin e qeveris\u00eb t\u00eb tij. Ai tha se me t\u00eb si KM asnj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje e till\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruhej n\u00eb \u201cSht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb, Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Gjelb\u00ebr, apo Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Kuqe\u2026\u201d. Nj\u00eb nat\u00eb para mocionit, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr veprimit t\u00eb Qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb por n\u00eb linj\u00eb me zyrtar\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm t\u00eb Bashkimit Europian, ministrat e jasht\u00ebm t\u00eb Franc\u00ebs dhe Gjermanis\u00eb b\u00ebn\u00eb thirrje q\u00eb qeveria t\u00eb mos shkarkohej. N\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, fuqit\u00eb per\u00ebndimore publikisht kishin ndjekur politik\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt karshi Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebr dy dekada m\u00eb radh\u00eb dhe prandaj k\u00ebto dallime mbase reflektojn\u00eb tensionet e BE-s\u00eb me administrat\u00ebn e Presidentit Trump.<\/p>\n

Kurti, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb kalkulimet e tij p\u00ebr pushtet. Me zgjedhjet presidenciale amerikane n\u00eb vjesht\u00eb (dhe nj\u00eb fitore t\u00eb mundshme t\u00eb demokrat\u00ebve) n\u00eb horizont, me percepcion pozitiv publik p\u00ebr menaxhimin e tij t\u00eb kriz\u00ebs s\u00eb koronavirusit q\u00eb tregohej edhe nga protestat prej ballkoneve t\u00eb sht\u00ebpive, Kurti mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb provokuar mocionin vet\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm duke refuzuar bashk\u00ebpunimin e af\u00ebrt me emisarin e Trumpit, por edhe duke shkarkuar pa paralajm\u00ebrim ministrin e pushtetsh\u00ebm t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm t\u00eb LDK-s\u00eb vet\u00ebm pse ai kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb deklarat\u00eb televizive duke u pajtuar me shpalljen e \u201cgjendjes s\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme\u201d n\u00eb lidhje me koronavirusin. Kurti e ka ditur q\u00eb deri m\u00eb tash, pas \u00e7do mocioni kund\u00ebr qeverive, Kosova ka shkuar n\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme \u2013 p\u00ebr \u00e7ka ai tani \u00ebsht\u00eb duke b\u00ebr\u00eb thirrje. Zgjedhjet e k\u00ebtilla do t\u00eb mbaheshin\u00a0pas pandemis\u00eb \u00e7ka do ta vononte ose do ta b\u00ebnte \u00e7do marr\u00ebveshje me Serbin\u00eb praktikisht t\u00eb pamundshme p\u00ebrpara zgjedhjeve t\u00eb SHBA-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Por Kurti mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb ngat\u00ebrruar n\u00eb kalkulimet e tij. Nj\u00eb num\u00ebr njoh\u00ebsish t\u00eb kushtetut\u00ebs besojn\u00eb q\u00eb partit\u00eb tjera mund ta marrin tani shansin ta formojn\u00eb qeverin\u00eb e re e cila do t\u00eb merrte pjes\u00eb n\u00eb bisedime sado q\u00eb t\u00eb vuaj\u00eb munges\u00ebn e legjitimitetit t\u00eb LV-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, edhe pse Kurti \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb i popullarizuar n\u00eb mesin e votuesve, p\u00ebr shum\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb d\u00ebshtimi i LV-s\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi n\u00eb negociata n\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunim me SHBA-n\u00eb, p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsin m\u00eb t\u00eb madh t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebn pritjet e sjelljeve t\u00eb nj\u00eb fituesi zgjedhjesh. Nuk mundet q\u00eb partit\u00eb tjera ta marrin gjithnj\u00eb barr\u00ebn e kompromiseve p\u00ebr statusin, nd\u00ebrsa Kurti dhe LV vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrfitimet prej tyre. Gjithashtu, administrata e Trumpit \u2013 q\u00eb me siguri synon nj\u00eb sukses n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebrpara zgjedhjeve t\u00eb vjesht\u00ebs \u2013 p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr skepticizmit t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapur ndaj saj, krijon edhe mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb rralla p\u00ebr arritjen e nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb percepcionit pozitiv ndaj saj n\u00eb Serbi. Si Trumpi, disa udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs t\u00eb shteteve t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs, si Kurzi n\u00eb Austri, kan\u00eb deklaruar gatishm\u00ebrin\u00eb e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahur \u00e7do marr\u00ebveshje me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn do t\u00eb pajtoheshin Kosova dhe Serbia. K\u00ebshtu, pavar\u00ebsisht se ku do t\u00eb \u00e7ojn\u00eb rezultatet e k\u00ebsaj lufte t\u00eb brendshme pushteti, ajo asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk do jet\u00eb plot\u00ebsisht e lir\u00eb nga interesat e pal\u00ebve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Argumentet kryesore t\u00eb k\u00ebtij bllogu me m\u00eb shum\u00eb kontekst p\u00ebr publikun nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar jan\u00eb publikuar fillimisht n\u00eb\u00a0https:\/\/eastblog.univie.ac.at<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n

——-<\/strong><\/p>\n

Burimet e cituara:<\/strong><\/p>\n

– Komisioni Q\u00ebndror i Zgjedhjeve (2019) Parliamentary elections results, 2010-2019.\u00a0http:\/\/www.kqz-ks.org\/an\/zgjedhjet-e-= pergjithshme\/<\/a>
\n– Transparency International (2019) Corruption Perception Index, 2010-2019.\u00a0https:\/\/www.transparency.org\/country\/KOS<\/a>
\n– Freedom House (2017) Nations in Transit corruption Score, 2010-2017.\u00a0https:\/\/www.refworld.org\/docid\/58f74fdb3d.html<\/a>
\n– Mustafa, A. (2020), Kosovo’s social policy during self\u2010management, UNMIK and independence: Persisting high inequality and social exclusion. Int J Soc Welfare, 29: 96-108.
\n– Yabanci, B. (2016) Populism and anti-establishment politics in Kosovo: A case study of L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje.
\n– Contemporary Southeastern Europe, 3(2), 17-43.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Masat e hershme t\u00eb izolimit t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarra nga Qeveria e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb mars i kontribuuan suksesit n\u00eb ballafaqimin me pandemin\u00eb e Covid-19, pasi vendi ka regjistruar m\u00eb pak se 110 infeskione dhe nj\u00eb vdekje deri m\u00eb tash. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, Qeveria filloi t\u00eb angazhohet n\u00eb zvog\u00eblimin e pagave p\u00ebr zyrtar\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb qeveritar\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":403,"featured_media":11432,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[2144,972,2143,2133,998,996,833],"ppma_author":[689,2142],"class_list":["post-5294","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-aak","tag-kosove","tag-ldk","tag-pdk","tag-politike","tag-qeveria-kurti","tag-vv"],"authors":[{"term_id":689,"user_id":403,"is_guest":0,"slug":"artan-mustafa","display_name":"Artan Mustafa","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/artan.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/artan.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Mustafa","first_name":"Artan","description":"Artan Mustafa \u00ebsht\u00eb hulumtues dhe ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs sociale. Ka studiuar shkenc\u00eb politike dhe zhvillim t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm n\u00eb Universitetin e Vjen\u00ebs, Universitetin Uppsala dhe Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs, si dhe ka pasur q\u00ebndrime n\u00eb Universitetin e Missouri-t, t\u00eb Tokios dhe t\u00eb Oslos. Ka punuar n\u00eb gazetari q\u00eb nga viti 2001 dhe ka qen\u00eb kryeredaktor i Gazet\u00ebs Jeta n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb (2011-2013)."},{"term_id":2142,"user_id":553,"is_guest":0,"slug":"tobias-spori","display_name":"Tobias Sp\u00f6ri","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/P1110177_2_.webp","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/P1110177_2_.webp"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Sp\u00f6ri","first_name":"Tobias","description":"Tobias \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb studiues n\u00eb d|part dhe b\u00ebn hulumtime mbi demokracin\u00eb, pjes\u00ebmarrjen politike dhe q\u00ebndrimet politike. Tobias mori doktoratur\u00ebn n\u00eb Universitetin e Vjen\u00ebs p\u00ebr tez\u00ebn e tij mbi pjes\u00ebmarrjen politike dhe brezat n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Qendrore dhe Lindore."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5294","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/403"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5294"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5294\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11436,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5294\/revisions\/11436"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11432"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5294"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5294"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5294"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5294"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}