{"id":5320,"date":"2020-03-01T15:32:30","date_gmt":"2020-03-01T13:32:30","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5320"},"modified":"2024-12-19T15:57:30","modified_gmt":"2024-12-19T13:57:30","slug":"kurthi-etnik","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/kurthi-etnik\/","title":{"rendered":"Kurthi Etnik"},"content":{"rendered":"
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– Koh\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit, Presidenti amerikan Donald Trump ka propozuar nj\u00eb plan p\u00ebr Lindjen e Mesme. Ky propozim ka ngritur pik\u00ebpyetje t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, n\u00ebse nj\u00eb plan i ngjash\u00ebm mund t\u00eb propozohet p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e kontestit midis Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb, sidomos duke pasur parasysh se ka nj\u00eb koh\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb qarqe t\u00eb caktuara vendimmar\u00ebse diplomatike po qarkullojn\u00eb ide p\u00ebr korrigjim t\u00eb kufijve, t\u00eb cilat do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb shpiejn\u00eb n\u00eb ndarje territoriale mbi kritere etnike. <\/strong>Si e shpjegoni faktin se shfaqen ide dhe parime t\u00eb tilla tridhjet\u00eb vjet pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb murit t\u00eb Berlinit\u00a0?<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Igor \u0160tiks<\/em>: T\u00eb gjith\u00eb e dim\u00eb se gjendja b\u00ebhet shp\u00ebrthyese n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebretnike, nd\u00ebrnacionale dhe nd\u00ebreligjoze, kur shtrohen \u00e7\u00ebshtjet territoriale. N\u00eb tradit\u00ebn e majt\u00eb njihet ajo q\u00eb e quajm\u00eb \u00ab\u00a0autonomi joterritoriale\u00a0\u00bb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb zhvilluar para 100 vjetve n\u00eb Austro-Hungari, me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb zgjidhen \u00e7\u00ebshtjet nacionale n\u00eb shtetet multinacionale. N\u00eb Jugosllavin\u00eb socialiste\u00a0 kishte po ashtu p\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb kombinohet disi territoralja dhe joterritoralja, me iden\u00eb q\u00eb disa grupe nacionale t\u00eb njohura ta g\u00ebzojn\u00eb statusin e republik\u00ebs, por edhe p\u00ebr entitete historike, si p.sh me rastin e Bosnje dhe Herzegovin\u00ebs, se pat\u00ebn kombinuar parimet e djathta me parimin republikan civilo-qytetar. Pra jan\u00eb provuar formula t\u00eb ndryshme. Ideja p\u00ebr \u00ab\u00a0p\u00ebrkufizim\u00a0\u00bb t\u00eb kufijve, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht ndarjes s\u00eb popujve dhe territoreve, ishte e popullarizuar n\u00eb qarqet nacionaliste t\u00eb viteve \u201990. Ajo bazohet n\u00eb iden\u00eb se marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet dhe sistemi demokratik jan\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme vet\u00ebm se n\u00eb vendet me homogjenitet etno-nacional dhe kjo ide e perkufizimeve territoriale ka shpier n\u00eb konflikte t\u00eb drejt\u00ebp\u00ebrdrejta, sepse si\u00e7 dihet, nacionalist\u00ebt ballkanik\u00eb mund t\u00eb merren vesh midis tyre p\u00ebr \u00e7do gj\u00eb, por jo p\u00ebr territoret. Fakti se k\u00ebti ide kthehen tridhjet\u00eb vjet pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb murit t\u00eb Berlinit flet p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn e pasuksesshme t\u00eb superfuqive n\u00eb Ballkan, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nuk arrit\u00ebn ta nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb paqen, ku nuk do t\u00eb shp\u00ebrbleheshin spastrimet dhe dhuna etnike, e ku do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishin b\u00ebr\u00eb kompromise t\u00eb caktuara, n\u00eb kuptim t\u00eb p\u00ebrqafimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb modeli qytetar p\u00ebr shtetet e reja, me t\u00eb drejta bt\u00eb barabarta p\u00ebr shumicat dhe pakicat, por edhe ide t\u00eb caktuara q\u00eb mund t\u00eb jesh subjekt politik pa\u00a0p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsin\u00eb etnike. N\u00ebse ky plani p\u00ebr Lindjen e Mesme ka ndonje nd\u00ebrlidhje me Ballkanin, at\u00ebher\u00eb gjindemi n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikshme.<\/p>\n

– Po ku \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb mes Bashkimi Evropian ? \u00c7\u2019n\u00ebnkupton p\u00ebr nga perspektiva evropiane fakti se po mendohen sot parimet etnike p\u00ebr rip\u00ebrkufizim t\u00eb kufijve?\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Igor \u0160tiks<\/em>\u00a0: Bahskimi Evropian pati premtuar paqen n\u00eb Ballkan n\u00ebp\u00ebrmes integrimeve evropiane. Kjo n\u00ebnkuptonte se nga territoret do t\u00eb p\u00ebrkalohej n\u00eb struktura supra-nacionale, respektivisht q\u00eb integrimet evropiane do t\u00eb relativizonin r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e kufijve dhe territoreve me faktin se nuk do t\u00eb kishte kufinj. Por sot e shohim se ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb realitetit.\u00a0 E kemi nj\u00eb geto ballkanike n\u00eb zem\u00ebr t\u00eb Bashkimit Evropian, qa\u00eb gjasat p\u00ebr zgjerim dhe an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb Bahskimin Evropian jan\u00eb t\u00eb vogla, e q\u00eb tashm\u00eb nuk ka ndonj\u00eb kuptim p\u00ebr njer\u00ebzit argumenti p\u00ebr integrime evropiane. E t\u00ebr\u00eb kjo n\u00ebnkupton se \u00ebsht\u00eb hapur hap\u00ebsira p\u00ebr lojtar\u00ebt e m\u00ebdhenj, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs, q\u00eb t\u00eb zgjidhin problemet n\u00eb Ballkann duke mos p\u00ebrjashtuar m\u00ebnyrat josubtile, n\u00ebse i referohemi ides\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizimit t\u00eb kufijve.<\/p>\n

– Z. Ymeri, cila do t\u00eb kishte me qen\u00eb alternativa jo etnike e zgjidhjes s\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjes\u00a0 mes Koso\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb, sepse tash ka dy modele e para korrigjimi i kufijve q\u00eb bazohet n\u00eb parimin etnik, dhe e dyta \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo themelimit t\u00eb Zajednic\u00ebs s\u00eb komunave me shumic\u00eb serbe e cila po ashtu bazohet n\u00eb parimin etnik. Cila do t\u00eb kishte me qen\u00eb paradigma jo etnike q\u00eb do t\u00eb gjente zgjidhje t\u00eb problemit mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Visar Ymeri :<\/em>\u00a0S\u00eb pari problemi q\u00eb po e shohim sot, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb Murit t\u00eb Berlinit, globalisht e n\u00eb rajonin ton\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb konceptim tjet\u00ebr i identitetit, n\u00ebse e krahasojm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb me konceptimin modernist t\u00eb identiteti. Historikisht identiteti, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb identiteti komb\u00ebtar, ka qen\u00eb kryek\u00ebput i lidhur me pozit\u00ebn socio-ekonomike t\u00eb individit ose t\u00eb nj\u00eb popullate. Me r\u00ebnien e Murit t\u00eb Berlinit, kur nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e konsiderueshme e bot\u00ebs, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht teoret\u00ebt e krahut t\u00eb djatht\u00eb filluan ta shohin k\u00ebt\u00eb si ‘fundi i historis\u00eb’, q\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte se sistemi aktual shoq\u00ebror-ekonomik do t\u00eb jet\u00eb i p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm e i pa alternativ\u00eb, dallimet e vetme mes popujve, ose mes njer\u00ebzve, mbeten ato identitare\/kulturore. Si t\u00eb tilla ato u b\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb pa ur\u00ebzueshme. Probleme t\u00eb ngjashme kemi edhe n\u00eb rajon. Edhe k\u00ebtu identifikimi ka marr\u00eb form\u00ebn e\u00a0 ‘nj\u00ebdimensionalitetit’ etniko-kulturor duke u zhveshur k\u00ebshtu nga t\u00eb gjitha karakteristikat tjera individuale e grupore q\u00eb e p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb ‘shum\u00ebdimensionalitetin’ njer\u00ebzor e i cili do t\u00eb reflektohej m\u00eb s\u00eb miri n\u00eb identitetin qytetar si reflektim i plotnis\u00eb s\u00eb vullnetit politik. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb nj\u00ebra prej arsyeve pse, p\u00ebrher\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb, kemi nj\u00eb tendenc\u00eb n\u00eb rritje t\u00eb etnizimit t\u00eb problemit, e propozime t\u00eb shtruara sipas parimeve etnike, \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe rritja e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb e fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb politikave identitare e forcave politike populiste n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb, q\u00eb pashmangsh\u00ebm reflektohen edhe n\u00eb rajon. P\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht k\u00ebto teori e koncepte politike ia n\u00ebnshtrojn\u00eb komponent\u00ebn socio-ekonomik, ose politike, komponent\u00ebs kulturore ose etnike. Pra para se t\u00eb flasim p\u00ebr pyetjen tuaj mendoj se duhet ta njohim k\u00ebt\u00eb dallim mes konceptimit t\u00eb identitetit (edhe t\u00eb atij komb\u00ebtar) si di\u00e7ka q\u00eb p\u00ebrmban brenda vetes karakteristika e ve\u00e7ori m\u00eb t\u00eb shumta identiteti krahas dhe p\u00ebrtej komponent\u00ebs kulturore\/etnike. T’i kthehemi Kosov\u00ebs, mendoj q\u00eb ky ka qen\u00eb problemi q\u00eb prej p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb luft\u00ebs. Prania nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht UNMIK-u, e ka par\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn p\u00ebrmes thjerrzave identitare\/etnike, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb paraqitur nj\u00eb tablo t\u00eb nj\u00eb vendi n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin jetojn\u00eb komunitete t\u00eb ndryshme etnike (shqiptar\u00ebt, serb\u00ebt, etj.) dallimet e t\u00eb cil\u00ebve historikisht e aktualisht asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb tejkalohen. Rrjedhimisht e vetmja gj\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t’i mbajm\u00eb k\u00ebta njer\u00ebz t\u00eb ndar\u00eb me nj\u00ebri tjetrin. Prandaj duhet t\u00eb gjejm\u00eb mekanizma institucional t\u00eb cilat do ta siguronin nj\u00eb jetes\u00eb t\u00eb komuniteteve pran\u00eb njeri tjetrit, e jo q\u00eb kusht\u00ebzojn\u00eb bashk\u00ebjetes\u00eb me nj\u00ebri tjetrin. Pra q\u00eb njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb jetojn\u00eb p\u00ebrbrenda nj\u00eb territori por pa interakcionin e duhur shoq\u00ebror e ekonomik. Ky modalitet i ‘bashk\u00ebjetes\u00ebs’ e ka rrit hendekun mes ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht shumic\u00ebs shqiptare dhe pakic\u00ebs serbe n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtonte ura e t’i sillte k\u00ebto komunitetet m\u00eb af\u00ebr njera tjetr\u00ebs. Ky hendek i zgjeruar \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur pastaj, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht nga qeveria aktuale e Serbis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb paraqitur k\u00ebrkesa t\u00eb bazuara n\u00eb pamund\u00ebsin\u00eb e bashk\u00ebjetes\u00ebs mes komuniteteve t\u00eb ndryshme etnike. K\u00ebto propozime nga qeveria e Serbis\u00eb tutje i ndajn\u00eb komunitetet n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb dhe edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb e d\u00ebmtojn\u00eb potencialin bashk\u00ebjetues e bashk\u00ebpunues t\u00eb popujve t\u00eb rajonit, bashk\u00ebpunim ky q\u00eb do t\u00eb krijonte benefite p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb. Dallimet mes dy rezultateve t\u00eb mundshme nga dialogu mes Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb (Bashk\u00ebsia e komunave me shumic\u00eb serbe n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb dhe korrigjimi i kufijve n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr) jan\u00eb megjithat\u00eb m\u00eb pak t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme se sa ngjashm\u00ebria paradigmatike q\u00eb k\u00ebto dy ‘zgjidhje’ kan\u00eb – e ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb interpretimi absolut etnik ndaj \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve socio-politike. E zgjidhja m\u00eb e mir\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte investimi n\u00eb krijimin e identitetit t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00eb qytetar t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj shoq\u00ebrie.<\/p>\n

– Po n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, sa mund t\u00eb injorohen \u00ab\u00a0\u00e7\u00ebshtjet nacionale\u00a0\u00bb ?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Igor \u0160tiks<\/em>: Kam p\u00ebrshtypjen se jemi n\u00eb kurth. \u00c7\u00ebshtjet nacionale jan\u00eb t\u00eb vendosura n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn q\u00eb pamund\u00ebsojn\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb nxjerrim prej tyre ndonj\u00eb paradigm\u00eb tjet\u00ebr. K\u00ebrkohen zgjidhje t\u00eb cilat ofrojn\u00eb vet\u00ebm\u00a0 kritere territoriale, apo si\u00e7 e tha z.Ymeri, me karakter ndar\u00ebs ose t\u00eb getoizimit t\u00eb grupeve t\u00eb ndryshme. K\u00ebto lloj zgjidhje nuk jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm ballkanike, por ato zbatohen edhe n\u00eb Irland\u00ebn e Veriut, n\u00eb Liban, por edhe n\u00eb fund t\u00eb luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Bosnje dhe Herzegovin\u00eb ose n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Pra, mungon \u00e7far\u00ebdo imagjinate politike se si t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohet bashk\u00ebsia paskonfliktuoze e cila nuk do t\u00eb ishte e nd\u00ebrtuar mbi dallimet etnike dhe kulturore, q\u00eb ishin motori i luft\u00ebs ose s\u00eb paku motori mobilizues i tyre. Z.Ymeri p\u00ebrmendi problemin e kulturalizimit t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve politike, pra p\u00ebrkalimin nga marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet klasore politike n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet ekskluzivisht identitare, si dhe natyrisht problemi q\u00eb paraqitet se matrica e k\u00ebtyre identiteve nuk mund t\u00eb ndryshohen ose transformohen, ndryshe nga identitetet klasore q\u00eb ndryshon. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, e majta e sheh q\u00eb shoq\u00ebria zhvillohet dhe q\u00eb kompozicionet klasore mund t\u00eb ndryshohen. Natyrisht se e majta d\u00ebshiron m\u00eb shum\u00eb barazi n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet klasore, p\u00ebrderisa e djathta k\u00ebmb\u00ebngul n\u00eb ruajtjen e dallimeve klasore q\u00eb natyrisht se shtrihen p\u00ebrtej kufijve ose \u00e7far\u00ebdo bashk\u00ebsie identitare.\u00a0 Sot, perspektiva klasore \u00ebsht\u00eb shtyr\u00eb n\u00eb margjina\u00a0 dhe nuk e trajton askush edhe n\u00eb Ballkan, ngase zgjidhjet k\u00ebrkohen n\u00eb krijimin e territoreve etnonacionale, t\u00eb cilat eventualisht do t\u00eb demokratizoheshin n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb ristrukturimi neoliberal.\u00a0 Pra, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim gjindemi n\u00eb kurth sepse nga kjo perspektiv\u00eb \u00e7do zgjidhje n\u00ebnkupton konflikt rreth territoreve dhe kompetencave mbi resurset t\u00eb atij territorit. E majta pasjugosllave ose edhe ajo ballkanike nuk ka gjetur p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb duhur p\u00ebr k\u00ebto \u00e7\u00ebshtje, p\u00ebrpos n\u00eb iden\u00eb q\u00eb popujt e Ballkanit kan\u00eb jetuar s\u00eb bashku n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn dhe do t\u00eb jetojn\u00eb edhe n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen, e rrjedhimisht kan\u00eb edhe interesa t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb globale.\u00a0 Por ky \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00ebndrim i pakic\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

– Kosova nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtim nga zhvillimet n\u00eb rajon. Dhe n\u00ebse e shohim secilin prej shteteve t\u00eb dalura nga Jugosllavia n\u00eb asnj\u00ebrin prej tyre nuk ka pasur sukses asnj\u00eb projekt qytetaria. Ashtu si\u00e7 nuk ka pasur sukses as n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim \u00e7far\u00eb mendoni cili do t\u00eb kishte me qen\u00eb kosovari sot? \u00c7ka n\u00ebnkupton t\u00eb jesh kosovar? \u00c7ka n\u00ebnkupton t\u00eb jesh qytetar ose shtetas i Kosov\u00ebs sot?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Visar Ymeri:<\/em>\u00a0Para se t’i p\u00ebrgjigjem pyetjes, e cila m\u00eb duket shum\u00eb interesante, dua t\u00eb ndalem pak te nj\u00eb shpjegim m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb. N\u00ebse e marrim parasysh konceptualizimin marksist, proletari \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo klas\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore e cila nuk asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr p\u00ebrve\u00e7 fuqis\u00eb pun\u00ebtore t\u00eb cil\u00ebn e shet. Pra proletari \u00ebsht\u00eb simbol i t\u00eb shpron\u00ebsuarit. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb sot ne jemi n\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion pak m\u00eb ndryshe – jo vet\u00ebm t\u00eb shpron\u00ebsuar nga t\u00eb mirat materiale e resurset publike, por edhe nga vet k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr fuqin\u00eb ton\u00eb pun\u00ebtore si ‘pasuria’ e vetme e proletarit. Badiou e thot\u00eb q\u00eb nj\u00eb prej ve\u00e7orive t\u00eb kapitalizmit t\u00eb von\u00eb t\u00eb automatizuar \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe rritja e numrit t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb cil\u00ebt jan\u00eb t\u00eb paeksploatuesh\u00ebm. T\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn gj\u00eb e kemi edhe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ku si rrjedhoj\u00eb e munges\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb zhvillimi t\u00eb duhur ekonomik kemi papun\u00ebsi shum\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb e perspektive shoq\u00ebrore e ekonomike shum\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt. Rrjedhimisht kjo na kthen m\u00eb shum\u00eb kah identiteti komb\u00ebtar sikur e vetmja gj\u00eb e mbetur. Shpron\u00ebsimi shihet si rrezik p\u00ebr asimilim. Por duhet ta kuptojm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb gjendje si aktualitet politik e jo si nj\u00ebtrajtshm\u00ebri historike. Nuk ka qen\u00eb p\u00ebrher\u00eb k\u00ebshtu. Dhe nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb p\u00ebrher\u00eb k\u00ebshtu. Kjo rritje e sentimentin nacionalist n\u00eb rajon ka ndodhur gjat\u00eb viteve t\u00eb n\u00ebnt\u00ebdhjeta, e ka vazhduar pastaj pas luft\u00ebrave n\u00eb ish Jugosllavi. T’i kthehemi Kosov\u00ebs. Ka nj\u00eb hendek t\u00eb madh mes asaj se si \u00ebsht\u00eb konceptuar Kosova si shoq\u00ebri edhe si shtet nga Plani i Ahtisaarit dhe form\u00ebn q\u00eb e ka marr\u00eb pastaj gjat\u00eb implementimit t\u00eb tij. N\u00ebse e shohim teorikisht ideja e Planit t\u00eb Ahtisaarit, pra konceptimi i Kosov\u00ebs si shtet dhe shoq\u00ebri multietnike ka qen\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mbillen gradualisht farat q\u00eb do ta ngjiznin nj\u00eb identitet t\u00eb ri, t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb qytetari t\u00eb kosovarit. Q\u00eb do t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte pastaj q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha komunitetit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, pra shqiptar\u00ebt, serb\u00ebt, boshnjak\u00ebt, turqit, rom\u00ebt, ashkalinjt\u00eb, egjiptasit, t\u00eb fillojn\u00eb ta p\u00ebrqafojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb identitet dhe t\u00eb zhvendosen nga identifikimi i tyre etnik. Megjithat\u00eb kjo ndodhi p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb dy arsyeve kryesore: e para \u00ebsht\u00eb se n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit Plani i Ahtisaarit \u00ebsht\u00eb par\u00eb q\u00eb nga fillimi si nj\u00eb projekt i mbivendosur nga jasht\u00eb, e jo si projekt burimor i brendsh\u00ebm. E dyta \u00ebsht\u00eb se n\u00eb vet iden\u00eb ka aranzhime t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb ushqejn\u00eb nj\u00eb dinamik\u00eb tjet\u00ebr – at\u00eb t\u00eb ndarjes. Rregullimi administrativo-territorial e ai institucional i Kosov\u00ebs bazohet n\u00eb dallimet etnike mes komunitetit shumic\u00eb dhe komuniteteve pakic\u00eb (ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht atij serb). P.sh. komunat e Kosov\u00ebs t\u00eb cilat i takojn\u00eb t\u00eb gjtih\u00ebve dhe pastaj komunat me shumic\u00eb serbe t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb t\u00eb destinuara p\u00ebr nj\u00ebrin prej komuniteteve. Tutje, nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e konsiderueshme e t\u00eb drejtave q\u00eb g\u00ebzojn\u00eb pakicat jan\u00eb t\u00eb akorduara P\u00cbR SHKAK t\u00eb p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre etnike, e jo t\u00eb bazuara n\u00eb korpusin e t\u00eb drejtave qytetare. Kjo gj\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb kund\u00ebrproduktive. Sepse n\u00eb vend q\u00eb identiteti etnik t\u00eb lihet t\u00eb vyshket, ai \u00ebsht\u00eb mir\u00ebmbajtur e forcuar institucionalisht e (n\u00eb rastin e komunave me shumic\u00eb serbe) territorialisht. \u00c7ka n\u00ebnkupton t\u00eb jesh kosovar? Natyrisht q\u00eb kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb vendoset nga ne, populli i Kosov\u00ebs. Por un\u00eb mendoj q\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb identitet i cili bazohet m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashkt\u00ebn ton\u00eb, n\u00eb kuptim t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave q\u00eb duhet t’i g\u00ebzojm\u00eb, t\u00eb nevojave q\u00eb kemi, e t\u00eb interesave ekonomike e shoq\u00ebrore q\u00eb i ndajm\u00eb, se sa n\u00eb identitetet kulturore t\u00eb cilat na ndajn\u00eb.<\/p>\n

–\u00a0Z.<\/em><\/strong>\u00a0\u0160tiks<\/strong><\/em>,<\/em><\/strong>\u00a0n\u00eb botimet e juaj t\u00eb fundit, thoni se \u201cshtet\u00ebsia\u201d mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb di\u00e7ka q\u00eb mund ta p\u00ebrkaloj konceptin e komunitetit n\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Igor \u0160tiks<\/em>: Mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb konfuzione, por un\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsoj iden\u00eb se shtet\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka neutrale, por theksoj dallimin q\u00eb kemi n\u00eb serbisht dhe kroatisht midis shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe qytetaris\u00eb, mbase kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00eb edhe n\u00eb shqip. P\u00ebr shembull n\u00eb sllovenisht \u00ebsht\u00eb e nj\u00ebjta gj\u00eb. Pak ta riformuloj. Un\u00eb kam trajtuar konstruksionet, si t\u00eb shtetasit, ashtu edhe t\u00eb qytetarit. Pra, konstruksionin e qytetarit n\u00eb kuptimin e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb tij juridike, e pastaj edhe si pjes\u00ebtar aktiv t\u00eb bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb tij politike. N\u00eb Ballkan kemi provuar modele t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb nj\u00ebqind vjet\u00ebt e fundit. \u00cbsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb gjindet ndonj\u00eb model q\u00eb do t\u00eb prodhonte rezultat t\u00eb d\u00ebshiruar vet\u00ebm sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb i till\u00eb n\u00eb Kushtetut\u00eb. Z.Ymeri p\u00ebrmendi me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb Planin e Ahtisarit, q\u00eb ting\u00ebllon bukur n\u00eb let\u00ebr, por pastaj nuk zhvillohen n\u00eb vakuum. Poastaj edhe mund t\u00eb insistoni n\u00eb model qytetar p\u00ebr shtetin vetr\u00ebm se n\u00eb p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsin\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore, por kjo nuk n\u00ebnkupton se mund t\u00eb harroni proceset e tjera politike. Identitetet etnike nuk jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm ve\u00e7ori ballkanike, edhe pse mendohej n\u00eb vitet e \u201990 se ishte vet\u00ebm ballkanike, por sot shohim se dominojn\u00eb politikat nacionaliste, etnike, religjoze dhe identitare, edhe n\u00eb vende si Franca si shtet q\u00eb tradicionalisht ka themelet mbi shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb etj. Shtet\u00ebsia mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb ndryshme. N\u00eb Jugosllavi mendohej se zgjidhja ishte gjetur n\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebn shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb federale duke e kombinuar me shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb republikane, por ku kishte brenda republikave edhe autonomi t\u00eb caktuara, si n\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs. Pra ka pasur p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr modele t\u00eb ndryshme q\u00eb t\u00eb zgjidhen \u00e7\u00ebshtjet nacionale edhe duke i b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb socialiste. Dihej se nuk mund t\u00eb shmangej \u00e7\u00ebshtja nacionale shqiptare n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet q\u00eb quhej Jugosllavi si vend i sllav\u00ebve t\u00eb jugut, duke ditur se shqiptar\u00ebt nuk jan\u00eb sllav\u00eb. N\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi jan\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar zgjidhje t\u00eb shpejta. Ajo q\u00eb m\u00eb shqet\u00ebson sot \u00ebsht\u00eb se hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb e shohim si hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr etnifikim, si n\u00eb Ballkan, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb shtet\u00ebsin\u00eb vet\u00ebm pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebt e p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre etnike dhe duke p\u00ebrjashtuar t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt., apo shtetet n\u00eb fqinj\u00ebsi si Hungari ose Bullgaria q\u00eb i japin qasje n\u00eb shtet\u00ebsi pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb etnis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre jasht\u00eb kufijve t\u00eb tyre shtet\u00ebror. K\u00ebt\u00eb e b\u00ebjn\u00eb pothuajse t\u00eb gjitha shtetet e Ballkanit, p\u00ebrpos Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb. Mekanizimat shtet\u00ebrore p\u00ebrdoren p\u00ebr ta specifikuar p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsin\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore, por pas spastrimeve etnike dhe inxhinieringut etnik p\u00ebrmes shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb po ndodh\u00eb edhe etnocentrizmi migrimi.\u00a0 Njer\u00ebzit migrojn\u00eb atje ku jan\u00eb shumic\u00eb. serb\u00ebt e Bosnjes shkojn\u00eb n\u00eb Serbi, kroat\u00ebt e Bosnjes n\u00eb Kroaci apo boshnjak\u00ebt e Sanxhaklut n\u00eb Bosnje. Bashk\u00ebsit\u00eb multietnike, multikulturore ose multigjuh\u00ebsore po shthurren dhe po ndahen, e p\u00ebrputhja e tyre me kufijt\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore pothuajse \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e kryer. E paradoksi \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb kjo po p\u00ebrmbyllet n\u00eb momentin kur n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto shtete kemi katastrof\u00ebn demografike. Pra, zgjidhjet jan\u00eb gjetur n\u00eb shtete t\u00eb pastra etnike n\u00eb momentin kur po zhduket ose po zvog\u00eblohet popullata ballkanike.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb situat\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruani, sa jan\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb gjasat t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohet nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb progresive, aq m\u00eb tep\u00ebr kur paralalelisht kemi edhe nj\u00eb model ekonomik neoliberal dhe pushtete neoautoritariste?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Igor \u0160tiks<\/em>\u00a0: Gjendja n\u00eb Ballkan \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00eb se n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Per\u00ebndimore. P\u00ebrpos q\u00eb kemi problemet postkonfliktuoze, ku dominojn\u00eb forcat nacionaliste dhe konservatore, kemi edhe politikat neoliberale si gjithkund, por nuk e kemi infrastruktur\u00ebn si ekziston n\u00eb Franc\u00eb me sindikatat ose strukturat e majta q\u00eb kan\u00eb tradit\u00eb nj\u00ebqind vje\u00e7are. Pra, nuk kemi asgj\u00eb nga k\u00ebto p\u00ebrderisa jemli n\u00eb nj\u00eb situart\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtire ekonomike dhe sociale. Pra, shansat jan\u00eb t\u00eb vogla n\u00eb k\u00ebto momente. Por, historia \u00ebsht\u00eb plot\u00eb befasira dhe mund t\u00eb shpresojm\u00eb n\u00eb befasi t\u00eb tilla.<\/p>\n

Visar Ymeri<\/em>: Mendoj q\u00eb k\u00ebtu do t\u00eb duhej s\u00eb pari ta b\u00ebjm\u00eb nj\u00eb ndarje mes dy lloj konceptesh t\u00eb qytetaris\u00eb – asaj liberale dhe konceptimit m\u00eb progresiv republikan t\u00eb qytetaris\u00eb. T\u00eb dyja k\u00ebto rryma t\u00eb menduarit kan\u00eb q\u00ebndruar n\u00eb antagoniz\u00ebm t\u00eb gjat\u00eb ne Per\u00ebndim. Mendoj q\u00eb\u00a0 aktualisht n\u00eb rajon, sidomos n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, koncepti mbizot\u00ebrues \u00ebsht\u00eb ai liberal. Sipas k\u00ebtij konceptimi qytetaria \u00ebsht\u00eb i bazuar n\u00eb liri negative – pra liri nga nd\u00ebrhyrja pushtetare n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e individit. Qytetari e g\u00ebzon t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e jetes\u00ebs s\u00eb lir\u00eb. Pra lihet i qet\u00eb. Di\u00e7ka si nj\u00eb qytetar pasiv.\u00a0 Por k\u00ebtu mendoj q\u00eb lind nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e konsiderueshme e problemit. Duke qen\u00eb t\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb qet\u00eb, pra ku qytetari mjaftohet t\u00eb mos jet\u00eb i p\u00ebrndjekur nga pushteti dhe ta organizoj\u00eb jet\u00ebn ashtu si\u00e7 ajo don, nuk krijojm\u00eb nd\u00ebrveprimin e nevojsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr p\u00ebrjekje t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, e cila p\u00ebrpjekje pastaj do t\u00eb rezultonte me nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb identiteti t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt me baz\u00eb qytetarie. Prandaj e thash\u00eb m\u00eb lart\u00eb q\u00eb ne jemi l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb vetmuar n\u00eb identitetet tona etnike, e q\u00eb na \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb di\u00e7ka shum\u00eb e \u00e7muar. Un\u00eb p\u00eblqej m\u00eb shum\u00eb konceptin republikan t\u00eb qytetaris\u00eb: jo vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb qytetari t\u00eb lir\u00eb nga p\u00ebrndjekja e shtypja nga pushteti, gj\u00eb shum\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme padiskutim, por t\u00eb nj\u00eb qytetarie q\u00eb g\u00ebzon t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn, madje e ka obligim, q\u00eb t\u00eb merr pjes\u00eb kolektivisht n\u00eb vendimmarrje politike. Mendoj q\u00eb kjo p\u00ebrpjekje e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt q\u00eb mund t\u00eb marr\u00eb form\u00eb, si\u00e7 e potencoi Igori, t\u00eb Sindikatave t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta, organizatave shoq\u00ebrore t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta, situata t\u00eb nd\u00ebveprimit ekonomik e kulturor, etj., do ta shtronte rrug\u00ebn p\u00ebr nj\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunim m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb mes njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm n\u00eb rajon, dhe e cila do t\u00eb organizohej p\u00ebrtej parimit t\u00eb solidaritetit e m\u00eb af\u00ebr parimit t\u00eb internacionalizmit. Pra s\u00eb pari duhet t\u00eb l\u00ebvizim p\u00ebrtej qytetarit liberal drejt atij progresiv, dhe s\u00eb dyti ta ngrisim solidaritetin n\u00eb nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb t\u00eb re t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit sipas parimit internacionalist t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit mes partive progresive n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb ta konceptojm\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrim t\u00eb majt\u00eb, socialdemokrat, ose socialist, quaje si t\u00eb duash, t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit rajonal. Dhe mendoj q\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm Kosova, por secili vend i rajonit ka hap\u00ebsir\u00eb dhe do t\u00eb duhej ta mendonte veten si shtet me nj\u00eb identifikim t\u00eb ri t\u00eb pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb: pra edhe Serbia edhe Mali i Zi, sigurisht edhe Maqedonia e Bosnja, t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto vende do t\u00eb duhej ta aplikojn\u00eb model t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb qytetari. Mendoj q\u00eb gj\u00ebja m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme \u00ebsht\u00eb ta mendojm\u00eb modelin m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb shtetit p\u00ebr vendet e rajonit duke e pasur parasysh se asnj\u00eb prej vendeve asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk mund dhe nuk do t\u00eb jen\u00eb etnikisht homogjene; dhe gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo se \u00e7far\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie mes shteteve do t\u00eb ishin m\u00eb t\u00eb mirat dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatshmet p\u00ebr vendet e rajonit, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb nd\u00ebrveprimin ekonomik ku do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb l\u00ebviznim nga tregtia e lir\u00eb (free trade) si paradigm\u00eb ekonomike kah tregtia e balansuar (fair trade).<\/p>\n

Sa mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb dimensioni rajonal nj\u00eb nga mund\u00ebsit\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Igor \u0160tiks<\/em>\u00a0: S\u00eb pari duhet t\u00eb pik\u00ebnisemi nga bindja se fati yn\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb rajonal dhe ballkanik. Kjo do t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte nj\u00eb lloj internacionalizmi ballkanik dhe bashk\u00ebpunimi rajonal mbi parime t\u00eb paqes dhe respektit t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb shtetet e sotme t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor kufizohen n\u00eb administrimin e territorit nga qeverit\u00eb e njohura nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarisht. Ato aktrojn\u00eb shtetin, duke qen\u00eb se nuk kan\u00eb sovranitet n\u00eb disa fusha thelb\u00ebsore, si n\u00eb ekonomi, financa, apo edhe nuk administrojn\u00eb me resurset e tyre. Pra jan\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb si administrat\u00eb q\u00eb mena\u00ebxhojn\u00eb popullat\u00eb, q\u00eb ajo t\u00eb q\u00ebndroj\u00eb e qet\u00eb dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihet n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb neoliberale. Duket se kan\u00eb gjetur formul\u00ebn n\u00eb nacionalizmin etnik q\u00eb ende provokon emocione dhe pamund\u00ebson ndonj\u00eb bashk\u00ebsi tjet\u00ebr politike q\u00eb do t\u00eb tejkalonte politikat identitare etj. K\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb fusha ku duhet t\u00eb tregohet kreative imagjinata e majt\u00eb, duke qen\u00eb se kemi dinamika n\u00eb sfer\u00ebn ku \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb gjuha e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt q\u00eb p\u00ebrbashkon pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs ish-jugosllave, me Sllovenin\u00eb dhe Maqedonin\u00eb, e n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr sfer\u00ebn shqiptare q\u00eb ka nj\u00eb dinamik\u00eb tjet\u00ebr dhe ku mund t\u00eb gjinden sferat e bashk\u00ebveprimit. Gjuha e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt p\u00ebrfshin me leht\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e Bosnjes, Serbis\u00eb, Kroacis\u00eb dhe Malit t\u00eb zi. Por n\u00ebse nuk mund ta nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb Ballkanin vet\u00ebm n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sfer\u00eb, duke zgjeruar perspektivat dhe p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb edhe p\u00ebrvojat tjera jo vet\u00ebm ish-jugosllave duke thyer barrierat, q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm gjuh\u00ebsore, por edhe \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb edhe si mend\u00ebsi m\u00eb e gjer\u00eb.<\/p>\n

—-<\/p>\n

Nga Belgzim Kamberi.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ky debat \u00ebsht\u00eb i botuar n\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrmuajshmen Le Monde Diplomatique n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn shqipe, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn e gjeni n\u00eb pikat e shitjes n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb, Tiran\u00eb dhe Shkup, gjithashtu \u00ebsht\u00eb publikuar edhe n\u00eb Institutin p\u00ebr Politika Sociale “Musine Kokalari”.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

– Koh\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit, Presidenti amerikan Donald Trump ka propozuar nj\u00eb plan p\u00ebr Lindjen e Mesme. Ky propozim ka ngritur pik\u00ebpyetje t\u00eb ndryshme n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, n\u00ebse nj\u00eb plan i ngjash\u00ebm mund t\u00eb propozohet p\u00ebr zgjidhjen e kontestit midis Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb, sidomos duke pasur parasysh se ka nj\u00eb koh\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb qarqe t\u00eb caktuara vendimmar\u00ebse […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":338,"featured_media":11428,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[988,672,2108,998,1000,999,1465],"ppma_author":[350,2139],"class_list":["post-5320","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-ballkani-perendimor","tag-eu","tag-jugosllavia","tag-politike","tag-politike-e-jashtme","tag-shba","tag-unmik"],"authors":[{"term_id":350,"user_id":338,"is_guest":0,"slug":"visar-ymeri","display_name":"Visar Ymeri","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/oo.png","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/oo.png"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ymeri","first_name":"Visar","description":"Visar Ymeri \u00ebsht\u00eb Drejtor Ekzekutiv i Institutit p\u00ebr Politika Sociale \u201cMusine Kokalari\u201d."},{"term_id":2139,"user_id":552,"is_guest":0,"slug":"igor-stiks","display_name":"Igor \u0160tiks","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/igor-stiks-200x250-1.webp","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/igor-stiks-200x250-1.webp"},"user_url":"","last_name":"\u0160tiks","first_name":"Igor","description":"Igor \u0160tiks ka lindur n\u00eb Sarajev\u00eb, Bosnje-Hercegovin\u00eb, n\u00eb vitin 1977. Gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebrave jugosllave ai iku n\u00eb Kroaci dhe aktualisht jeton n\u00eb Beograd, Serbi. Ai ka jetuar gjithashtu n\u00eb Paris, \u00c7ikago, Edinburg dhe Graz.\r\n\r\nAi mori doktoratur\u00ebn n\u00eb Institut d'\u00c9tudes Politiques de Paris dhe Northwestern University dhe m\u00eb von\u00eb punoi dhe dha m\u00ebsim n\u00eb Universitetin e Edinburgut dhe Fakultetin e Medias dhe Komunikimit n\u00eb Beograd."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5320","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/338"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5320"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5320\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":11430,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5320\/revisions\/11430"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11428"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5320"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5320"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5320"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5320"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}