{"id":5344,"date":"2020-10-30T10:15:40","date_gmt":"2020-10-30T08:15:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5344"},"modified":"2024-10-22T10:46:34","modified_gmt":"2024-10-22T08:46:34","slug":"problemi-i-vertete-i-amerikes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/problemi-i-vertete-i-amerikes\/","title":{"rendered":"Problemi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb i Amerik\u00ebs"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Sipas revist\u00ebs s\u00eb njohur \u201cForeign Policy<\/em>\u201d zgjedhjet presidenciale n\u00eb ShBA m\u00eb 3 n\u00ebntor jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmet n\u00eb histori. Madje, sipas saj, jan\u00eb me m\u00eb shum\u00eb pesh\u00eb se ato t\u00eb vitit 1860 kur Abraham Lincoln ishte p\u00ebrballur me Stephen Douglass n\u00eb prag t\u00eb luft\u00ebs civile. As zgjedhjet e vitit 1932 kur Franklin Delano Roosevelt kishte mposhtur Herbert Hoover n\u00eb mes t\u00eb \u201cDepresionit t\u00eb Madh<\/em>\u201d nuk jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. Kjo p\u00ebr arsye se k\u00ebto zgjedhje mbahen n\u00eb nj\u00eb koh\u00eb kur ShBA-t\u00eb kan\u00eb rol qendror n\u00eb bot\u00eb, di\u00e7ka q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb thuhet p\u00ebr zgjedhjet e sip\u00ebrp\u00ebrmendura.<\/p>\n

Akademiku i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare Charles Kupchan argumenton se fitorja e Trumpit do t\u00eb kishte pasoja serioze sepse amerikan\u00ebt dhe aleat\u00ebt e tyre nuk do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb thonin m\u00eb se votuesit kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb gabim m\u00eb 2016. P\u00ebrkundrazi, do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb afirmim i kahjes q\u00eb ka marr\u00eb Amerika me Trumpin.<\/p>\n

Mir\u00ebpo, problemi \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i thell\u00eb sesa q\u00eb e paraqet Kupchan. Edhe n\u00ebse fiton Biden, problemet e Amerik\u00ebs nuk do t\u00eb zgjidhen aq leht\u00eb. Kjo sepse Trump \u00ebsht\u00eb produkt i nj\u00eb realiteti kompleks socio-politiko-historik q\u00eb i paraprin ardhjes s\u00eb tij dhe q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb mjaftuesh\u00ebm i fort\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019i mbijetuar humbjes s\u00eb Trump. Sa \u00ebsht\u00eb shkaktar i ndryshimeve t\u00eb rrezikshme, Trump \u00ebsht\u00eb aq edhe simptom\u00eb e dinamikave m\u00eb t\u00eb hershme se ngritja e tij politike. Kjo p\u00ebr shkak q\u00eb vizioni i Trump q\u00ebndron mbi themele ideologjike m\u00eb t\u00eb vjetra se ai.<\/p>\n

Konkretisht, n\u00eb kultur\u00ebn politike amerikane ideologjia e nativizmit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb element shum\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm. Sipas Cas Mudde, nativizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kombinim i nacionalizmit dhe ksenofobis\u00eb q\u00eb thot\u00eb se shtetet duhet t\u00eb banohen ekskluzivisht prej grupit m\u00eb t\u00eb madh vendor (kombit) dhe se elementet jo-vendore (aliene), qofshin persona apo ide, jan\u00eb thelb\u00ebsisht k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuese p\u00ebr homogjenitetin e shtetit-komb.<\/p>\n

Objektivi kryesor i nativistit \u00ebsht\u00eb krijimi i nj\u00eb etnokracie \u2013 demokraci ku shtet\u00ebsia derivon nga etniciteti. Mir\u00ebpo nativist\u00ebt amerikan\u00eb jan\u00eb duke u p\u00ebrballur me nj\u00eb trend shum\u00eb negativ p\u00ebr ta. M\u00eb 1989, migrant\u00ebt p\u00ebrb\u00ebnin 7% t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb, kurse tani p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb mbi 15%. Zyra e Cenzusit n\u00eb ShBA parashikon se m\u00eb 2042 grupet e pakicave do t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e popullsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb ndryshim kaq t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb demografik, shumica aktuale ndjehet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga arsyet se pse ajo po b\u00ebhet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb intolerante. Premtimi i Trump p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar murin me Meksik\u00ebn ishte muzik\u00eb n\u00eb vesh\u00ebt e tyre dhe lufta e tij kund\u00ebr migrimit ishte shtendos\u00ebse p\u00ebr ta. Gjithashtu, shkelja e drejt\u00ebs p\u00ebr vot\u00eb p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb bardh\u00eb, sado jo-demokratike, jan\u00eb t\u00eb pranueshme p\u00ebr ta. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb situata n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn nativizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb duke fituar terren.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme nativizmi fuqin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mpreht\u00eb shpreh\u00ebse e ka gjetur n\u00eb tradit\u00ebn Jacksoniane, e cila gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftotht\u00eb mbeti n\u00ebn hijen e doktrinave tjera t\u00eb politik\u00ebb\u00ebrjes, si ajo Hamiltoniane dhe Wilsoniane. Kjo tradit\u00eb e mendimit \u00ebsht\u00eb testament nga Andrew Jackson, q\u00eb sipas historianit Walter Russell Mead \u00ebsht\u00eb presidenti i par\u00eb populist i ShBA-ve. Kjo kishte ndodhur n\u00eb vitin e larg\u00ebt t\u00eb 1829, por p\u00ebr tet\u00eb vite ai ka nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb trash\u00ebgimi jet\u00ebgjat\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr dallim prej Wilsonianizmit, tradit\u00ebs idealiste t\u00eb Woodrow Wilson, Jacksonianizmi nuk e sheh ShBA-n\u00eb si entitet politik esenca e t\u00eb cilit p\u00ebrcaktohet nga parimet intelektuale e as si shtet me mandat p\u00ebr t\u00eb realizuar misionin universal t\u00eb liris\u00eb e barazis\u00eb p\u00ebr njer\u00ebzimin. P\u00ebrkundrazi, p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb tradit\u00eb detyra e ShBA-s\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb garantimi i barazis\u00eb dhe dinjitetit t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve amerikan\u00eb brenda kufijve t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n

Personazhi kryesor i narrativ\u00ebs s\u00eb k\u00ebsaj doktrine \u00ebsht\u00eb figura e \u201camerikanit t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb\u201d, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i bardh\u00eb, konservativ, i krishter\u00eb, me shkollim t\u00eb mesm dhe q\u00eb ekonomikisht i p\u00ebrket klas\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme. Intelektualisht, idet\u00eb Jacksoniane zanafill\u00ebn e kan\u00eb n\u00eb tradit\u00ebn skoceze t\u00eb iluminizmit t\u00eb sensit komun (common sense), q\u00eb thot\u00eb se t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetat shkencore, morale, politike dhe fetare mund t\u00eb identifikohen nga personat e r\u00ebndomt\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb forc\u00eb kulturore q\u00eb ushqen nj\u00eb mosbesim t\u00eb thell\u00eb tek ekspert\u00ebt, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebt aderent\u00ebt e k\u00ebsaj ideologjie besojn\u00eb se jan\u00eb t\u00eb angazhuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb riprodhuar privilegjet e elitave.<\/p>\n

Fundi i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb sh\u00ebnoi nj\u00eb fillim t\u00eb ri p\u00ebr Jacksonianizmin dhe arsyeja p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb sipas Robert Kagan q\u00ebndron tek fakti bashk\u00eb me Bashkimin Sovjetik ka r\u00ebn\u00eb edhe alibia e p\u00ebrfshirjes s\u00eb pakontestueshme t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet bot\u00ebrore. Q\u00eb nga ajo koh\u00eb nuk ka pasur konsensus amerikan rreth vizionit p\u00ebr politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme. Pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst kishte nxjerr\u00eb kok\u00ebn Jacksonianizmi.<\/p>\n

Kagan ka b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb t\u00eb fushatave zgjedhore q\u00eb nga viti 1988 dhe vler\u00ebson se duke e v\u00ebrejtur rritjen e numrit t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsve t\u00eb Jacksonianizmit, secili President amerikan nga ajo koh\u00eb ka premtuar se do t\u00eb tkurr\u00eb pranin\u00eb amerikane n\u00eb bot\u00eb dhe do t\u00eb fokusohet brenda ShBA-s\u00eb. Mir\u00ebpo, Kagan thot\u00eb se secili President ka tradhtuar k\u00ebt\u00eb zotim, duke radikalizuar kampin Jacksonian t\u00eb elektoratit. P\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, kjo rriti skepticizmin ndaj establishmentit dhe votuesit filluan t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb kandidat\u00eb anti-establishment. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, \u201cRecesioni i Madh<\/em>\u201d e rriti ankthin e tyr dhe p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsoi situat\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, sipas Karen Stenner n\u00eb studimin e saj \u201cDinamika Autoritare\u201d, prirjet autoritare t\u00eb individ\u00ebve mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrkthehen n\u00eb veprime vet\u00ebm kur ka nj\u00eb stimulues t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm. K\u00ebt\u00eb e gjet\u00ebn kur Obama erdhi n\u00eb pushtet, q\u00eb u pasua me formimin e nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeje nativiste: Tea Party. Sipas Theda Skocpol, arsyeja pse kjo l\u00ebvizje u mobilizua me ardhjen e Obamas n\u00eb pushtet \u00ebsht\u00eb se ky i fundit \u00a0p\u00ebr ta \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb figur\u00eb ku mish\u00ebrohen t\u00eb gjitha elementet q\u00eb nga nativist\u00ebt shihen si jo-amerikane: Obama \u00ebsht\u00eb i zi, biri i imigrantit dhe i muslimanit, intelektual elitar nga universitetet e shtrenjta t\u00eb Ivy Leagues dhe nj\u00eb socialist q\u00eb rrezikon kapitalizmin amerikan.<\/p>\n

Kjo l\u00ebvizje ngadal\u00eb e mori ngadal\u00eb k\u00ebshtjell\u00ebn e Partis\u00eb Republikane nga brenda dhe kur Trump v\u00ebrejti k\u00ebt\u00eb ndryshim, ai lansoi projektin e vet politik q\u00eb adreson frik\u00ebn dhe ankthin e tyre. Ai amplifikoi teorin\u00eb konspirative se Barack Obama nuk ka lindur n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u201cdokumentuar\u201d jo-amerikan\u00ebsin\u00eb e Obamas. Trump i dha dh\u00ebmb\u00eb nj\u00eb klime t\u00eb mllefit kund\u00ebr Obamas dhe votuesit konservativ\u00eb e pan\u00eb at\u00eb si aleatin m\u00eb t\u00eb denj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mposhtur armiqt\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, mund t\u00eb thuhet se m\u00eb 2016 nuk ka fituar vet\u00ebm Trump, por edhe Jacksonianizmi, koncepti \u201cAmerika e Para\u201d dhe t\u00eb gjitha variacionet e populizmit dhe nativizmit, q\u00eb n\u00eb dekadat e fundit kan\u00eb sh\u00ebnuar nj\u00eb rikthim aq t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm politik, sa nuk mund t\u00eb mbahen m\u00eb n\u00eb margjina dhe jasht\u00eb perimetrit institucional. T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto s\u00eb bashku do t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb painjorueshme dhe do t\u00eb ushtrojn\u00eb trysni akute mbi secilin president amerikan, sado liberal t\u00eb jet\u00eb. Kjo p\u00ebrfshin edhe Joe Bidenin, q\u00eb do ta ket\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00ebsoj\u00eb vizionin e vet liberal e multikulturor n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri tejet t\u00eb polarizuar e intolerante amerikane.<\/p>\n

E n\u00ebse Trump shkon, Jacksonianizmi nuk do t\u00eb ik\u00eb. Derisa Trump \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb figur\u00eb me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn mund t\u00eb tallemi, problemi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb i ShBA-s\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb: \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb kur t\u00eb del nj\u00eb kandidat Jacksonian p\u00ebr President, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb autokratik, nativist, iliberal e populist si Trump, por ndryshe prej tij, \u00ebsht\u00eb emocionalisht stabil, karizmatik n\u00eb dukje, koherent n\u00eb logjik\u00eb dhe elekuent n\u00eb argumentim?!<\/p>\n

Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb spektri i ankthsh\u00ebm amerikan dhe test shum\u00eb m\u00eb sfidues p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb amerikane sesa Trump. E me Jacksonianizmin kaq vibrant, ardhja e nj\u00eb kandidati t\u00eb till\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb kronik\u00eb e paralajm\u00ebruar dhe nj\u00eb situat\u00eb gati e pashmangshme.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Sipas revist\u00ebs s\u00eb njohur \u201cForeign Policy\u201d zgjedhjet presidenciale n\u00eb ShBA m\u00eb 3 n\u00ebntor jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmet n\u00eb histori. Madje, sipas saj, jan\u00eb me m\u00eb shum\u00eb pesh\u00eb se ato t\u00eb vitit 1860 kur Abraham Lincoln ishte p\u00ebrballur me Stephen Douglass n\u00eb prag t\u00eb luft\u00ebs civile. As zgjedhjet e vitit 1932 kur Franklin Delano Roosevelt kishte […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":415,"featured_media":8880,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[656],"ppma_author":[778],"class_list":["post-5344","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-usa"],"authors":[{"term_id":778,"user_id":415,"is_guest":0,"slug":"shkodran-ramadani","display_name":"Shkodran Ramadani","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/shkodran-e1729253403162.jpeg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/shkodran-e1729253403162.jpeg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ramadani","first_name":"Shkodran","description":"Shkodran Ramadani \u00ebsht\u00eb hulumtues n\u00eb Institutin \u201cCompass\u201d n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb. Ai ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet Bachelor n\u00eb Shkenca Politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb dhe studimet Master n\u00eb Sociologji n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs. Shkodrani \u00ebsht\u00eb aktiv n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e hulumtimeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb, drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb tranzicionale, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, populizmit, sekularizmit, demokracis\u00eb konsociacionale dhe autonomis\u00eb."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5344","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/415"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5344"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5344\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8882,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5344\/revisions\/8882"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8880"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5344"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5344"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5344"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5344"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}