{"id":5367,"date":"2020-10-20T11:27:05","date_gmt":"2020-10-20T09:27:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5367"},"modified":"2024-10-22T11:08:58","modified_gmt":"2024-10-22T09:08:58","slug":"pse-terheqja-e-10-te-trustit-eshte-politike-e-gabuar-dhe-cila-mund-te-jete-nje-alternative","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/pse-terheqja-e-10-te-trustit-eshte-politike-e-gabuar-dhe-cila-mund-te-jete-nje-alternative\/","title":{"rendered":"Pse t\u00ebrheqja e 10% t\u00eb Trustit \u00ebsht\u00eb politik\u00eb e gabuar dhe cila mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb?"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Pas gjasht\u00eb tentimeve t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuara p\u00ebr ta kaluar Projektligjin e Rimb\u00ebk\u00ebmbjes Ekonomike, Qeveria Hoti arriti ta kaloj\u00eb n\u00eb parim n\u00eb tentimin e shtat\u00eb. Nuk e di n\u00ebse kemi patur edhe nj\u00eb shembull tjet\u00ebr ku nj\u00eb Qeveri ka tentuar kaq shum\u00eb her\u00eb dhe ka d\u00ebshtuar. Megjithat\u00eb ajo do t\u00eb tentoj\u00eb s\u00ebrish.<\/p>\n

Pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebtij projektligji \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe mund\u00ebsia q\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt t\u2019i t\u00ebrheqin deri n\u00eb 10% t\u00eb kursimeve t\u00eb tyre nga Fondi i Kursimeve Pensionale \u2013 Trusti. Madje, p\u00ebr ta kuptuar sesa qendrore \u00ebsht\u00eb kjo politik\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb projektligj mjafton t\u2019i p\u00ebrcjellim mediat q\u00eb shpesh i referohen si “ligji q\u00eb mund\u00ebson t\u00ebrheqjen e 10%-shit”.<\/p>\n

Pavar\u00ebsisht se kjo politik\u00eb mund t\u00eb duket si zgjidhje nga qytetar\u00ebt q\u00eb jan\u00eb aq shum\u00eb n\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr para, po i rikujtoj disa argumente se pse kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb politik\u00eb e gabuar:<\/p>\n

1<\/strong>. Pap\u00ebrgjegjshm\u00ebria e Qeveris\u00eb.<\/em>\u00a0Masat parandaluese jan\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb nga Qeveria, rrjedhimisht \u00ebsht\u00eb detyr\u00eb e saj qe t’u ndihmoj\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve e jo ta bart\u00eb barr\u00ebn e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb q\u00eb ka ajo tek kursimet e qytetar\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

2<\/strong>.\u00a0Pabarazia mes pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve.\u00a0<\/em>T\u00ebrheqja e k\u00ebtyre mjeteve n\u00ebnkupton rritje t\u00eb pabarazis\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb paku kat\u00ebr nivele: t\u00eb pun\u00ebsuar vs. t\u00eb papun\u00ebsuar, ekonomia formale vs. ekonomia joformale, sektori publik vs. sektori privat, dhe pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt me paga t\u00eb larta vs. pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt me paga t\u00eb ul\u00ebta.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb v\u00ebrehet nga nj\u00eb tabel\u00eb q\u00eb Trusti ka publikuar me bilancin e kontribuesve dhe vargjet e shumave q\u00eb ata posedojn\u00eb sipas dat\u00ebs 30.09.2020. Me pak artimetik\u00eb mund t\u00eb shohim sesa e pabarabart\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb politika e t\u00ebrheqjes s\u00eb 10% brenda vet\u00eb kontribuesve, e l\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb mes tyre dhe atyre q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb papun\u00eb, ose mes tyre dhe atyre n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb joformale.<\/p>\n

Duke qen\u00eb se Trusti ka publikuar vargje (si p.sh. mbi 1,000 deri 5,000), at\u00ebher\u00eb llogarit\u00eb mund t\u2019i b\u00ebjm\u00eb n\u00eb tre skenar\u00eb bazuar: a) n\u00eb limitin e ul\u00ebt (p.sh. 1,000), b) shum\u00ebn n\u00eb mes (p.sh. 3,000) dhe c) limitin e lart\u00eb (p.sh. 5,000). Me k\u00ebt\u00eb metod\u00eb e p\u00ebrjashtojm\u00eb 2% t\u00eb kontribuesve, meq\u00eb nuk e dim\u00eb shum\u00ebn n\u00eb mes apo limitin e lart\u00eb. Dhe, supozojm\u00eb se t\u00eb gjith\u00eb do ta t\u00ebrheqin shum\u00ebn e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb \u2013 pra, qoft\u00eb limitin e posht\u00ebm (skenari A), shum\u00ebn n\u00eb mes (skenari B), ose limitin e lart\u00eb (skenari C). N\u00eb t\u00eb tri rastet mund t\u00eb v\u00ebrejm\u00eb se mbi 50% e vler\u00ebs q\u00eb do t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqet do t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb tek 17.9% e kontribuesve (114,528 kontribues) m\u00eb t\u00eb pasur dhe pjesa e mbetur p\u00ebr 80.1% e kontribuesve m\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebr (511,792).<\/p>\n

Skenar\u00ebt jan\u00eb si n\u00eb vijim:<\/p>\n

a.<\/strong>\u00a0N\u00ebse t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kontribuesit t\u00ebrheqin limitin e ul\u00ebt, shuma totale q\u00eb do t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqej nga Trusti do t\u00eb ishte rreth 101.2 milion\u00eb euro. Prej tyre, 77.7% do t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb p\u00ebr 17.9% kontribuesit m\u00eb t\u00eb pasur, nd\u00ebrsa 80.1% kontribuesit m\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebr do t\u00eb marrin vet\u00ebm 22.3% t\u00eb vler\u00ebs s\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr.<\/p>\n

b.<\/strong>\u00a0N\u00ebse t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kontribuesit t\u00ebrheqin vler\u00ebn n\u00eb mes t\u00eb vargut, shuma totale q\u00eb do t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqej nga Trusti do t\u00eb ishte rreth 185.8 milion\u00eb euro. Prej tyre, 62.5% do t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb p\u00ebr 17.9% kontribuesit m\u00eb t\u00eb pasur, nd\u00ebrsa 80.1% kontribuesit m\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebr do t\u00eb marrin vet\u00ebm 37.5% t\u00eb vler\u00ebs s\u00eb t\u00ebrhequr. Duke marr\u00eb parasysh shum\u00ebn totale q\u00eb do t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqej, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e af\u00ebrta me 10% t\u00eb shum\u00ebs totale q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb aktualisht n\u00eb Trust, ky skenar duket m\u00eb i mundshmi.<\/p>\n

c<\/b>. N\u00ebse t\u00eb gjith\u00eb kontribuesit t\u00ebrheqin limitin e lart\u00eb, shuma totale q\u00eb do t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqej nga Trusti do t\u00eb ishte rreth 274.7 milion\u00eb euro. Prej tyre, 56.4% e gjith\u00eb vler\u00ebs do t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb p\u00ebr 17.9% kontribuesit m\u00eb t\u00eb pasur, nd\u00ebrsa 80.1% kontribuesit m\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebr do t\u00eb marrin 43.6%. Duke marr\u00eb parasysh shum\u00ebn totale q\u00eb do t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqej n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb skenar, e cila e kalon 10% e shum\u00ebs totale q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb aktualisht n\u00eb Trust, ky skenar duket m\u00eb pak i mundsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

3.<\/i><\/strong>\u00a0Kostoja sociale me e madhe se p\u00ebrfitimi individual.\u00a0<\/i>P\u00ebrderisa 10% e Trustit, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrmendur t\u00eb jet\u00eb rreth 200 milion\u00eb euro, do t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte shum\u00eb t\u00eb konsiderueshme p\u00ebr zvog\u00eblimin e Trustit, p\u00ebrfitimi individual do t\u00eb ishte tejet i vog\u00ebl p\u00ebr shumic\u00ebn. N\u00ebse i referohemi tabel\u00ebs s\u00eb Trustit, e shohim se 16.3% e kontribuesve do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqnin maksimalisht 10 euro. N\u00ebse iu referohemi skenar\u00ebve t\u00eb m\u00ebhersh\u00ebm, i bie se n\u00eb skenarin A gjysma e kontribuesve do t\u00eb merrnin mesatarisht 10 euro, n\u00eb skenarin B mesatarisht 35 euro, dhe n\u00eb skenarin C mesatarisht 234 euro. S\u00ebrish, n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb shum\u00ebs totale q\u00eb do t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqej nga Trusti, skenari C \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb pak i mundsh\u00ebm. Gjithashtu, kjo politik\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb kishte q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebri meq\u00eb t\u00ebrheqja b\u00ebhet vet\u00ebm nj\u00ebher\u00eb.<\/p>\n

4<\/b>.\u00a0Ndikimi i drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb n\u00eb ekonomi \u00ebsht\u00eb i vog\u00ebl:<\/em>\u00a0edhe n\u00ebse e t\u00ebr\u00eb shuma e mundshme do t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqej dhe do t\u00eb shpenzohej brenda ekonomis\u00eb son\u00eb, ajo do t\u00eb ishte vet\u00ebm sa 2.8% e Bruto Produktit Vendor (BPV). Nd\u00ebrsa, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr intervenimve t\u00eb b\u00ebra deri tani, pritjet p\u00ebr r\u00ebnien ekonomike k\u00ebt\u00eb vit jan\u00eb 7.5% nga Fondi Monetar Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe 8.8% nga Banka Bot\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n

5.\u00a0<\/strong>Cenimi i siguris\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen:<\/em>\u00a0natyra obligative e kontributdh\u00ebnies e shpjegon domosdoshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e k\u00ebtyre mjeteve p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen.\u00a0Prekja e kursimeve pensionale e cenon rrjet\u00ebn mbrojt\u00ebse t\u00eb domosdoshme at\u00ebher\u00eb kur nuk mund t\u00eb punohet m\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb ndonj\u00eb l\u00ebndimi, moshe, etj. Gjithashtu, kjo mas\u00eb do t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte precedent p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrhyrjen e mundshme n\u00eb fond nga kjo apo qeverit\u00eb e tjera n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen. Madje edhe m\u00eb her\u00ebt. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb larg mend\u00ebsh q\u00eb n\u00eb fushat\u00ebn e ardhshme zgjedhore partit\u00eb politike ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cgar\u00eb drejt majes\u201d ku secila premton mund\u00ebsimin e t\u00ebrheqjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrqindjeje m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb nga Trusti.<\/p>\n

Cilat mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Shumica e k\u00ebtyre argumenteve jan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb edhe nga kritik\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj politike. Megjithat\u00eb, ajo q\u00eb nuk kemi d\u00ebgjuar \u00ebsht\u00eb ndonj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb q\u00eb del jasht\u00eb kontureve t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj politike. Pra, q\u00eb nuk e sheh zgjidhjen p\u00ebrmes mjeteve t\u00eb Trustit dhe q\u00eb m\u00ebton t\u2019i adresoj\u00eb problemet e lartp\u00ebrmendura.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb ndaj k\u00ebsaj politike \u00ebsht\u00eb kreditimi i ekonomive familjare. Formula do t\u2019ishte konceptualisht e thjesht\u00eb: sektori bankar \u00ebsht\u00eb mjaft likuid, i kapitalizuar mir\u00eb, dhe profitabil, nd\u00ebrsa ekonomia reale \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr para. Qeveria do ta mund\u00ebsonte krijimin e nj\u00eb kanali p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cil\u00ebs do t\u00eb rrjedhnin mjetet.<\/p>\n

Konkretisht, do t\u2019mund t\u00eb krijohej nj\u00eb dritare e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebr garantimin e kredive personale, ku do ofroheshin kredi deri n\u00eb 500 euro, me nj\u00eb vit periudh\u00eb t\u00eb mospagimit (i.e. grace period), nj\u00eb vit afat p\u00ebr kthim, 7% norm\u00eb efektive t\u00eb interesit (t\u00eb mbuluara 100% nga Qeveria), dhe 1% shpenzime administrative (t\u00eb mbuluara 100% nga Qeveria). Qeveria do t\u2019i garantonte k\u00ebto kredi 100%.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse e marrim 50%-shin m\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebr q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb aktualisht n\u00eb grup si indikacion i madh\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb target grupit q\u00eb Qeveria synon ta ndihmoj\u00eb (n\u00eb vend t\u00eb t\u00ebrheqjes s\u00eb 10% nga Trusti), at\u00ebher\u00eb do t\u2019duhej llogaritur p\u00ebr maksimum 320 mij\u00eb kredi.<\/p>\n

Me k\u00ebt\u00eb politik\u00eb, do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb futeshin n\u00eb qarkullim nga bankat tek ekonomia reale maksimumi 160 milion\u00eb euro. Kostoja e interesit dhe e shpenzimeve administrative p\u00ebr Qeverin\u00eb do t\u2019ishte maksimumi 11.2 milion\u00eb dhe 1.6 milion\u00eb euro respektivisht.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb rast se asnj\u00eb kredi nuk do t\u00eb kthehej, kostoja totale p\u00ebr Qeverin\u00eb do t\u2019ishte 172.8 milion\u00eb euro. Dhe, meq\u00eb periudha e mospagimit dhe koha maksimale p\u00ebr kthimin e kredis\u00eb do t\u2019ishin nga nj\u00eb vit respektivisht, kostoja vjetore p\u00ebr Qeverin\u00eb, n\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb keq, do t\u2019ishte 86.4 milion\u00eb euro gjat\u00eb dy viteve t\u00eb ardhshme.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr ta zvog\u00ebluar mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e nj\u00eb skenari t\u00eb till\u00eb, dhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb kjo politik\u00eb t\u00eb kishte sukses, do t\u2019duheshin dizajnuar kritere q\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb synojn\u00eb maksimizimin e ndihm\u00ebs dhe minimizimin e rrezikut. Natyrisht se kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb meq\u00eb shpesh ata q\u00eb kan\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr para n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb koh\u00eb do t\u00eb ken\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb paku mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr kthimin e tyre.<\/p>\n

Por, n\u00eb rast t\u00eb moskthimit t\u00eb kredis\u00eb, var\u00ebsisht nga situata e financave publike pas dy viteve, Qeveria do t\u2019mund ose t\u2019ua falte borxhin ose ta faturonte at\u00eb gradualisht p\u00ebrmes sh\u00ebrbimeve q\u00eb i ofrojn\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarrjet publike.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa kriteret do t\u2019mund t\u00eb krijoheshin duke i p\u00ebrjashtuar disa grupe si p.sh. t\u00eb pun\u00ebsuarit n\u00eb sektorin publik (ose s\u00eb paku ata q\u00eb kan\u00eb paga m\u00eb t\u00eb larta), pronar\u00ebt e bizneseve (t\u00eb cil\u00ebt jan\u00eb ndihmuar dhe mund t\u00eb ndihmohen me masa tjera), kufizim t\u00eb numrit t\u00eb kredive brenda nj\u00eb ekonomie familjare, duke i afirmuar grat\u00eb, rinin\u00eb, dhe grupet e margjinalizuara p\u00ebrmes kuotave, etj. Gjithmon\u00eb duke e patur parasysh q\u00eb kjo politik\u00eb nuk synon t\u2019i zgjidh\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha problemet e shkaktuara nga kriza, por ta z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoj\u00eb politik\u00ebn e mund\u00ebsimit t\u00eb t\u00ebrheqejes s\u00eb 10% nga Trusti.<\/p>\n

Cilat nga pes\u00eb argumentet e idenfikuara si probleme t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb mund\u00ebsimit t\u00eb t\u00ebrheqjes s\u00eb 10% nga Trusti do t\u2019i adresonte nj\u00eb politik\u00eb e till\u00eb e kreditimit?<\/p>\n

1.<\/strong>\u00a0P\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb e merr Qeveria<\/em>. T\u00eb par\u00ebn plot\u00ebsisht sepse Qeveria do ta merrte barr\u00ebn. \u00cbsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se financat publike q\u00eb ajo menaxhon jan\u00eb t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve, por koha \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb situat\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrhyrja e Qeveris\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebqija, kthimi i qytetar\u00ebve n\u00eb koh\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mira.<\/p>\n

2.<\/strong>\u00a0Qasje e barabart\u00eb mes pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve.<\/em>\u00a0T\u00eb dyt\u00ebn plot\u00ebsisht sepse maksimumi q\u00eb do t\u2019mund t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqej do t\u2019ishte i barabart\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb. Dhe, kriteret q\u00eb do t\u2019vendoseshin, qoft\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtuese qoft\u00eb afirmative, do t\u2019mund ta adresonin ndonj\u00eb pabarazi eventuale.<\/p>\n

3.<\/strong>\u00a0Kostoja sociale m\u00eb e vog\u00ebl, p\u00ebrfitimi individual m\u00eb i madh.<\/em>\u00a0Pra, mjetet nuk do t\u00eb merreshin nga Trusti por nga depozitat aktuale bankare, vlera e p\u00ebrgjithshme do t\u2019ishte m\u00eb e vog\u00ebl, dhe ato do t\u00eb ktheheshin. Nd\u00ebrsa p\u00ebrfitimi individual n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb ishte 10, 35, apo 234 euro, do t\u2019mund t\u2019ishte 500 euro. Ndon\u00ebse as kjo politik\u00eb nuk do t\u2019kishte q\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebri sepse kredia do t\u2019mund t\u00eb merrej nj\u00ebher\u00eb, shuma do t\u2019ishte m\u00eb e madhe dhe do t\u00eb merrej p\u00ebr nevojat e caktuara q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt \u2013 p\u00ebr dallim nga Trusti ku mjetet mund t\u00eb merren sepse jan\u00eb aty.<\/p>\n

4.\u00a0<\/strong>Ndikimi i drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb n\u00eb ekonomi do t\u2019ishte i p\u00ebraf\u00ebrt.<\/em>\u00a0N\u00ebse e krahasojm\u00eb shum\u00ebn me BPV-n\u00eb si indikacion t\u00eb ndikimit t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb n\u00eb ekonomi, at\u00ebher\u00eb e shohim se ai \u00ebsht\u00eb i p\u00ebraf\u00ebrt. N\u00ebse 10% e vler\u00ebs s\u00eb Trustit do t\u2019i injektonte 200 milion\u00eb euro n\u00eb ekonomi, kjo do t\u2019ishte rreth 2.8% e BPV, nd\u00ebrsa kjo politik\u00eb e kreditimit do t\u2019ishte rreth 2.4%. Pra, ndikimi n\u00eb t\u00eb dy rastet do t\u2019ishte i vog\u00ebl, por jo me ndonj\u00eb dallim t\u00eb madh mes tyre.<\/p>\n

5<\/strong>. Moscenimi i siguris\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen.<\/em>\u00a0Kursimet pensionale nuk do t\u00eb zvog\u00ebloheshin. Gjithashtu, do t\u00eb shmangej precedenti ku Qeveria nd\u00ebrhyn n\u00eb fond n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dhe, gjithashtu, mund\u00ebsia e p\u00ebrdorjes s\u00eb k\u00ebtij precedenti si premtim n\u00eb fushatat zgjedhore.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr k\u00ebtij argumentimi se kjo politik\u00eb e kreditimit t\u00eb ekonomive familjare do t\u2019i adresonte shumic\u00ebn e kund\u00ebrargumenteve ndaj mund\u00ebsimit t\u00eb t\u00ebrheqjes s\u00eb 10% t\u00eb Trustit, duhet pranuar se nj\u00eb politk\u00eb e till\u00eb ka pak gjas\u00eb t\u00eb implementohet nga kjo Qeveri. Gjasat jan\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha q\u00eb ajo ta kaloj\u00eb ligjin n\u00eb lexim t\u00eb dyt\u00eb, dhe t\u2019ua mund\u00ebsoj\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00ebrheqjen e 10% t\u00eb kursimeve t\u00eb tyre nga Trusti.<\/p>\n

Pastaj, pak m\u00eb von\u00eb, do t\u00eb kuptohen gabimet e nj\u00eb politike t\u00eb till\u00eb, sepse do t\u00eb p\u00ebrjetohen. Por, le t\u00eb dihet q\u00eb ka patur alternativ\u00eb, q\u00eb ka alternativa. Kjo ishte nj\u00eb.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Pas gjasht\u00eb tentimeve t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuara p\u00ebr ta kaluar Projektligjin e Rimb\u00ebk\u00ebmbjes Ekonomike, Qeveria Hoti arriti ta kaloj\u00eb n\u00eb parim n\u00eb tentimin e shtat\u00eb. Nuk e di n\u00ebse kemi patur edhe nj\u00eb shembull tjet\u00ebr ku nj\u00eb Qeveri ka tentuar kaq shum\u00eb her\u00eb dhe ka d\u00ebshtuar. Megjithat\u00eb ajo do t\u00eb tentoj\u00eb s\u00ebrish. Pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebtij projektligji \u00ebsht\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":8875,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[691],"ppma_author":[97],"class_list":["post-5367","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-economy"],"authors":[{"term_id":97,"user_id":0,"is_guest":1,"slug":"edison-jakurti","display_name":"Edison Jakurti","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Edison-Jakurti.jpeg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Edison-Jakurti.jpeg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"","first_name":"","description":"Edison Jakurti \u00ebsht\u00eb doktorant i shkencave ekonomike n\u00eb Freie Universit\u00e4t Berlin. M\u00eb her\u00ebt ai i ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet e nivelit master p\u00ebr politikat e zhvillimit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, me fokus n\u00eb ekonomiksin aplikativ, n\u00eb Duke University, dhe studimet themelore n\u00eb drejtimin ekonomiks dhe statistik\u00eb n\u00eb R.I.T. Ka punuar si asistent hulumtues dhe asistent ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Duke University, si dhe k\u00ebshilltar n\u00eb Bank\u00ebn Bot\u00ebrore."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5367","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5367"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5367\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8895,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5367\/revisions\/8895"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8875"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5367"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5367"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5367"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5367"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}