{"id":5416,"date":"2020-10-02T10:58:46","date_gmt":"2020-10-02T08:58:46","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5416"},"modified":"2024-11-01T11:01:45","modified_gmt":"2024-11-01T09:01:45","slug":"hipokrizia-e-specializuar","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/hipokrizia-e-specializuar\/","title":{"rendered":"Hipokrizia e specializuar"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p>T\u00eb gjith\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vend e duan drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb. T\u00eb pakt\u00ebn k\u00ebt\u00eb e themi kur deklarohemi z\u00ebsh\u00ebm. Dhe deklarohemi her\u00eb pas her\u00eb. Ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht at\u00ebher\u00eb kur na pyesin. Por edhe kur e duam drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb, sikur e konceptojm\u00eb si t\u00eb specializuar. Drejt\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi vet\u00ebm kur \u00ebsht\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi p\u00ebr ne (me NE n\u00ebnkuptojm\u00eb p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsin\u00eb etnike, gjinore, klasore, p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht NE\/UN\u00cb karshi Tjetrit).\u00a0Po nuk qe p\u00ebr ne, nuk na hyn n\u00eb pun\u00eb. Nuk na duhet. Ose, m\u00eb mir\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb, mund t\u00eb pres. Nuk e kemi prioritet.<\/p>\n<p>Pak a shum\u00eb ky \u00ebsht\u00eb reagimi politik e shoq\u00ebror karshi zhvillimeve rreth Dhomave t\u00eb Specializuara, apo Gjykat\u00ebs Speciale. Ky filloi t\u00eb b\u00ebhej reagimi ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht pas komunikat\u00ebs s\u00eb famshme t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj Gjykate p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cil\u00ebs njoftonin se kan\u00eb dor\u00ebzuar propozim-aktakuz\u00ebn ndaj Presidentit Tha\u00e7i dhe Kryetarit t\u00eb PDK-s\u00eb z.Veseli. Dhe ky vazhdoi t\u00eb jet\u00eb reagimi pas nd\u00ebrhyrjes s\u00eb policis\u00eb (EULEX?\/Policia e Gjykat\u00ebs?) n\u00eb zyret e OVL-s\u00eb. Diskutimi, edhe pse me zhargon juridik, kishte natyr\u00eb t\u00eb kulluar politike dhe qasje emocionale. Kjo e fundit e kuptueshme. Natyrisht q\u00eb p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt e Republik\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb fare pamje e leht\u00eb, e as zhvillim i kap\u00ebrdijsh\u00ebm kur shohim ushtar\u00ebt e U\u00c7K-s\u00eb t\u00eb arrestohen e d\u00ebrgohen n\u00eb gjykat\u00eb. Nuk ka qen\u00eb e leht\u00eb asnj\u00ebher\u00eb. Kjo p\u00ebr faktin se U\u00c7K-ja megjithat\u00eb jeton si ide e flet si p\u00ebrpjekje e sakrific\u00eb. Gjeneron energji dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb e ngulitur thell\u00eb n\u00eb themelin e liris\u00eb son\u00eb sot. Megjithat\u00eb dy ndarje duhen b\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb krye t\u00eb her\u00ebs. Ndarja e par\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e ides\u00eb karshi emrave t\u00eb p\u00ebrve\u00e7\u00ebm. E dyta ajo mes sentimentit t\u00eb qytetarit dhe hipokrizis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit t\u00eb tij politik.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb Ide Universale, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb ajo e luft\u00ebs p\u00ebr liri, asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk mbijeton pa e gjetur shprehjen e saj n\u00eb form\u00ebn partikulare t\u00eb p\u00ebrditshm\u00ebris\u00eb. N\u00eb t\u00eb tashmen ton\u00eb. E shprehja n\u00eb p\u00ebrditshm\u00ebri b\u00ebhet p\u00ebrmes subjektit\/ngjarjes q\u00eb konstituon subjektin. Duke qen\u00eb k\u00ebshtu, Ideja domosdo gjen shprehjen te njer\u00ebzit dhe p\u00ebrmes tyre. Dhe ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr ta. Por nuk objektifikohet. Nuk reduktohet n\u00eb ta. Mbi t\u00eb gjitha \u2013 nuk pron\u00ebsohet nga ta. Prandaj \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundshme dhe duhet ndar\u00eb U\u00c7K-n\u00eb si mendim e koncept lirie nga emrat e p\u00ebrve\u00e7\u00ebm t\u00eb saj. Sepse po u trup\u00ebzua dhe u reduktua n\u00eb emra, ajo e humb universalitetin. Nga subjekt mendimi shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb objekt ligjshm\u00ebrie dhe k\u00ebshtu i n\u00ebnshtrohet ligjeve t\u00eb s\u00eb tashmes e t\u00eb s\u00eb k\u00ebtushmes. \u00cbsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht lidhja e pashk\u00ebputshme e U\u00c7K-s\u00eb si ide e koncept me emrat e p\u00ebrve\u00e7\u00ebm, pjes\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb saj, ajo q\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti po e rrezikon U\u00c7K-n\u00eb (prej korrupsionit t\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs e deri te akuzat p\u00ebr krime t\u00eb supozuara t\u00eb luft\u00ebs e pasluft\u00ebs). Prandaj duhet ta ndajm\u00eb U\u00c7K-n\u00eb nga njer\u00ebzit. Q\u00eb ta shp\u00ebtojm\u00eb at\u00eb nga po k\u00ebta njer\u00ebz.<\/p>\n<p>Shto k\u00ebsaj, n\u00eb diskutimin p\u00ebr gjykat\u00ebn speciale, nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht flasim p\u00ebr dy koncepte jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlikuara, por edhe t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhura \u2013 lirin\u00eb dhe drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb. S\u00ebk\u00ebndejmi kur flasim p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn ton\u00eb p\u00ebr liri nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht flasim edhe p\u00ebr p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb ton\u00eb p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsi. Gjykuar nga ky k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrim, reagimi karshi gjykat\u00ebs speciale dhe pun\u00ebs s\u00eb saj shp\u00ebrfaq nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb problematike t\u00eb t\u00eb menduarit. Liria dhe drejt\u00ebsia nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb plota asnj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00ebse nuk jan\u00eb gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse. D\u00ebnimin e krimeve duhet ta k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb nga kushdo, ndaj kujtdo, p\u00ebr cilindo krim e p\u00ebr cil\u00ebndo viktim\u00eb. Dhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb mbase duhet t\u00eb fillojm\u00eb nga fillimi.<\/p>\n<p>\u00cbsht\u00eb fakt q\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb ka nj\u00eb num\u00ebr viktimash p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat nuk ka pasur kurr\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi.\u00a0As nuk dihet se kush i ka vrar\u00eb dhe pse i ka vrar\u00eb.\u00a0Kjo duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb pik\u00ebnisja. Shoq\u00ebria duhet ta dij\u00eb se pse jan\u00eb vrar\u00eb ata njer\u00ebz dhe nga kush. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim diskutimi publik \u00ebsht\u00eb tejet problematik n\u00eb s\u00eb paku dy rrafshe. N\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb flitet p\u00ebr gjykat\u00ebn vet\u00ebm nga nj\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb thuaja se abstrakte politike, diskutime k\u00ebto q\u00eb shpeshher\u00eb shkojn\u00eb aq larg sa krijojn\u00eb nj\u00eb teori t\u00eb gjer\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb konspiracion global kund\u00ebr nesh (kur Gjykata shihet si mekaniz\u00ebm p\u00ebr ta luftuar U\u00c7K-n\u00eb?). K\u00ebshtu merret ana e t\u00eb fortit ton\u00eb lokal. Nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, kur flitet p\u00ebr viktimat, thuaja se \u00e7doher\u00eb vihet theksi te ato t\u00eb etnis\u00eb shqiptare (kjo m\u00eb shpesh nga arsyetuesit sesa nga kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e Gjykat\u00ebs). N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt dhe apologjet\u00ebt b\u00ebhen nj\u00eb, sepse drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb e shohin nga perspektiva etnike. T\u00eb par\u00ebt thon\u00eb kjo gjykat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e padrejt\u00eb sepse do t\u00eb gjykoj\u00eb vet\u00ebm pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebt e U\u00c7K-s\u00eb, pra vet\u00ebm shqiptar\u00ebt. T\u00eb dyt\u00ebt thon\u00eb, po, mir\u00ebpo do t\u2019i gjykojn\u00eb krimet e kryera ndaj shqiptar\u00ebve. T\u00eb dy k\u00ebta pajtohen n\u00eb heshtje se krimet ndaj joshqiptar\u00ebve as q\u00eb duhen t\u00eb p\u00ebrmenden. Q\u00eb realisht n\u00ebnkupton se ato as q\u00eb jan\u00eb krime. Kur thuhet se duam drejt\u00ebsi k\u00ebt\u00eb duhet ta duam p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb nj\u00ebsoj. Por sigurisht se kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn. T\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin problem e kan\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha vendet e rajonit. Edhe n\u00eb Kroaci e Bosnje, krimet e kryera ndaj tjer\u00ebve nuk llogariten shum\u00eb si krime. Gjykimet e d\u00ebnimet atje jan\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb nxitura nga nd\u00ebrhyrja e jashtme sesa nga emancipimi i brendsh\u00ebm. E t\u00eb mos flasim p\u00ebr Serbin\u00eb. Ajo, edhepse ka qenw nxitwsja e vetme e luftwrave nw ish Jugosllavi, dhe orkestruesja e zbatuesja kryesore e krimeve kund\u00ebr t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve, ka nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb paku veprime q\u00eb do t\u00eb d\u00ebrgonin drejt nj\u00eb katarzisi shoq\u00ebror e vet\u00ebdij\u00ebsimi p\u00ebr krimet e kryera n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb tyre. Megjithat\u00eb v\u00ebnia e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb vend nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje reciprociteti. Si\u00e7 nuk mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut \u00e7\u00ebshtje reciprociteti. K\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi yn\u00eb kolektiv karshi \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb i nxitur nga nevoja e brendshme e jo nga kusht\u00ebzimet nga jasht\u00eb. Fatkeq\u00ebsisht kjo nuk po ndodh te ne. Si\u00e7 nuk po ndodh n\u00eb asnj\u00eb vend t\u00eb rajonit.<\/p>\n<p>Ushtari i U\u00c7K-s\u00eb n\u00eb syt\u00eb tan\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb figura e heroit.\u00a0Heroi nuk mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb njolla. Sepse heroi nuk b\u00ebn keq. Po t\u00eb b\u00ebnte keq, nuk do t\u00eb ishte hero. Tash, nga kjo figur\u00eb idilike p\u00ebr heroin fillon diskutimi jon\u00eb. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb heroit ton\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se nuk ia dijm\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebmat, por ia falim ato. Ia harrojm\u00eb, sepse n\u00eb syt\u00eb tan\u00eb, sakrifica e ushtarit p\u00ebr liri \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e madhe se njolli\u00e7kat e mundshme q\u00eb mund t\u2019i ket\u00eb ai n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje. Prandaj nuk flasim. Dhe i mbrojm\u00eb sa her\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt mund t\u00eb flasin p\u00ebr heroin ton\u00eb. Por as kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn. Ante Gotovina \u00ebsht\u00eb hero n\u00eb Kroaci, ashtu si Naser Oriqi n\u00eb Bosnje e Hercegovin\u00eb. Q\u00eb t\u00eb dy t\u00eb gjykuar p\u00ebr krime lufte, ani se drejtues t\u00eb luft\u00ebrave \u00e7lirimtare t\u00eb popujve t\u00eb tyre kund\u00ebr regjimit t\u00eb Millosheviqit.\u00a0\u00a0Kjo perspektiv\u00eb e heroizmit kusht\u00ebzon pyetjen themelore: A do t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb e mundur q\u00eb heronjt\u00eb t\u00eb gjykohen nga gjykata vendore? Pra a do t\u00eb kishte pasur nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi sado e vog\u00ebl q\u00eb ndonj\u00eb prokuror\u00eb ose gjykat\u00ebs n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb t\u00eb gjykojn\u00eb heronjt\u00eb? N\u00ebse po, at\u00ebher\u00eb pse nuk ka ndodh nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb deri tash? Natyrisht ka pasur raste kur ushtar\u00ebt e U\u00c7K-s\u00eb jan\u00eb gjykuar e d\u00ebnuar nga gjykatat vendore, madje nganj\u00ebher\u00eb edhe me procese diskutabile. Por ja q\u00eb hetimi i prokurorit Williamson tregon se ka nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb rasteve p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat nuk ka pasur kurr\u00eb gjykim. Dhe p\u00ebr k\u00ebto \u00ebsht\u00eb themeluar Gjykata Speciale.<\/p>\n<p>Natyrisht q\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn nuk duhet ta trajtojm\u00eb sikur t\u00eb jet\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm i drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb hyjnore. Natyrisht q\u00eb edhe Gjykata ka problemet e veta se si \u00ebsht\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar (sidomos karakteri mono-etnik i saj) dhe se ajo mund t\u00eb gaboj\u00eb edhe n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen, e madje edhe t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyj\u00eb n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb saja (si\u00e7 ishte deri diku teksti i komunikat\u00ebs s\u00eb famshme p\u00ebr propozim-aktakuz\u00ebn ndaj Tha\u00e7it e Veselit). Kjo n\u00ebnkupton se puna e gjykat\u00ebs duhet monitoruar e ndaj saj duhet t\u00eb kemi qasje kritike. Por t\u00eb mos harrojm\u00eb ta shtrojm\u00eb pyetjen themelore: \u00c7ka n\u00ebse gjykata v\u00ebrtet\u00eb ka prova e d\u00ebshmi p\u00ebr ato q\u00eb i pretendon? \u00c7ka n\u00ebse prokurori Williamson e ka th\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn n\u00eb raportin e tij t\u00eb komunikuar p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb konference p\u00ebr shtyp n\u00eb korrik t\u00eb vitit 2014. Dhe k\u00ebtu nuk po flas p\u00ebr emrat e p\u00ebrve\u00e7\u00ebm t\u00eb t\u00eb dyshuarve. Por po flas p\u00ebr d\u00ebshmit\u00eb e provat p\u00ebr krimet e kryera, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat flet Williamson. Qasja juridike n\u00eb diskutimit p\u00ebr Gjykat\u00ebn do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb nisej nga kjo. Nga akuzat e saj. Sepse kjo n\u00eb fund do t\u00eb jet\u00eb gj\u00ebja m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme.<\/p>\n<p>Dhe k\u00ebshtu vijm\u00eb te hipokrizia e specializuar. Ose t\u00eb m\u00ebnyra se si akter\u00ebt e sken\u00ebs publike e trajtojn\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb diskutimin p\u00ebr Gjykat\u00ebn. Nga q\u00ebndrimi se ajo duhet votuar meq\u00eb po na e k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb miqt\u00eb, e p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cil\u00ebs do t\u00eb arrijm\u00eb ta pastrojm\u00eb luft\u00ebn ton\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb (2015) e deri te q\u00ebndrimi se kjo Gjykat\u00eb \u00ebshte e parpranueshme, sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb monoetnike dhe po e lufton U\u00c7K-n\u00eb. \u00c7far\u00eb ka ndryshuar gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre 5 viteve q\u00eb e b\u00ebn Gjykat\u00ebn t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn e saj. Asgj\u00eb p\u00ebrve\u00e7 emrave t\u00eb p\u00ebrve\u00e7\u00ebm t\u00eb cil\u00ebt po akuzohen. A i bie kjo q\u00eb po t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb e nj\u00ebjta gjykat\u00eb duke u marr\u00eb me pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebt e U\u00c7K-s\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nuk kan\u00eb kapital publik dhe ekonomik, ajo do t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb e pranueshme? Por edhe ana tjet\u00ebr e s\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs medalje ka ndryshuar. Nga \u2018ne nuk ju dor\u00ebzojm\u00eb\u2019 tek \u2018ne ju mbrojm\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb miri\u2019. Edhe k\u00ebtu p\u00ebrvillet problemi i ngjash\u00ebm. Zhvillimet rreth gjykat\u00ebs kund\u00ebrrohen e trajtohen nga perspektiva e interesit elektoral e jo shtet\u00ebror dhe komb\u00ebtar.\u00a0(Paramendone nj\u00eb Kryeminist\u00ebr t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs q\u00eb refuzon t\u2019i dor\u00ebzoj\u00eb t\u00eb akuzuarit n\u00eb nj\u00eb Gjykat\u00eb t\u00eb themeluar nga Kuvendi i Kosov\u00ebs. Paramendone nj\u00eb Minist\u00ebr i Brendsh\u00ebm i cili urdh\u00ebron policin\u00eb ta refuzoj\u00eb d\u00ebgjueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb ndaj Gjykat\u00ebs.)<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr fund pyetja m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme : A e shohim drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb si vler\u00eb apo si instrument pushteti? Se n\u00ebse \u00ebsht\u00eb instrument pushteti at\u00ebher\u00eb ajo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi. Drejt\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb barazi dhe ndodh n\u00eb kushte barazie. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, drejt\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb e nd\u00ebrlidhur me qasjen q\u00eb e kemi ndaj Tjetrit. Dhe p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb ton\u00eb, tjetri asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i barabart\u00eb. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb i pabarabart\u00eb sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb ndryshe, dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb ndryshe sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb i pabarabart\u00eb. K\u00ebshtu e shohim Gruan, k\u00ebshtu e shohim Tjetrin (etnik), k\u00ebshtu e shohim t\u00eb varf\u00ebrin. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebta viktima. Dhe si t\u00eb till\u00eb i pranojm\u00eb. Por nuk pranojm\u00eb se jan\u00eb viktima t\u00eb krimeve tona. Dhe asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk pranojm\u00eb t\u00eb gjykohemi p\u00ebr to. N\u00eb k\u00ebto raste drejt\u00ebsia nuk ka \u00e7\u2019na duhet. Ajo mund t\u00eb pres.\u00a0100 mij\u00eb pun\u00eb tjera i kemi!<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\">\n<p class=\"author\">\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>T\u00eb gjith\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vend e duan drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb. T\u00eb pakt\u00ebn k\u00ebt\u00eb e themi kur deklarohemi z\u00ebsh\u00ebm. Dhe deklarohemi her\u00eb pas her\u00eb. Ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht at\u00ebher\u00eb kur na pyesin. Por edhe kur e duam drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb, sikur e konceptojm\u00eb si t\u00eb specializuar. Drejt\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi vet\u00ebm kur \u00ebsht\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi p\u00ebr ne (me NE n\u00ebnkuptojm\u00eb p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsin\u00eb etnike, gjinore, klasore, p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":338,"featured_media":9373,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1044,1329],"ppma_author":[350],"class_list":["post-5416","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-dhomat-e-specializuara-te-kosoves","tag-drejtesia"],"authors":[{"term_id":350,"user_id":338,"is_guest":0,"slug":"visar-ymeri","display_name":"Visar Ymeri","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/oo.png","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/oo.png"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ymeri","first_name":"Visar","description":"Visar Ymeri \u00ebsht\u00eb Drejtor Ekzekutiv i Institutit p\u00ebr Politika Sociale \u201cMusine Kokalari\u201d."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5416","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/338"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5416"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5416\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9374,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5416\/revisions\/9374"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9373"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5416"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5416"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5416"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5416"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}