{"id":5436,"date":"2020-09-22T14:57:25","date_gmt":"2020-09-22T12:57:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5436"},"modified":"2024-10-24T15:00:32","modified_gmt":"2024-10-24T13:00:32","slug":"cka-nuk-eshte-mini-shengeni-dhe-perse-kosova-duhet-te-refuzoje-te-behet-pjese-e-iniciatives-se-novi-sadit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/cka-nuk-eshte-mini-shengeni-dhe-perse-kosova-duhet-te-refuzoje-te-behet-pjese-e-iniciatives-se-novi-sadit\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00c7ka (nuk) \u00ebsht\u00eb mini-shengeni dhe p\u00ebrse Kosova duhet t\u00eb refuzoj\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet pjes\u00eb e iniciativ\u00ebs s\u00eb Novi-Sadit"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p><strong>Ideja e Novi Sadit a.k.a mini-shengeni<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Deri m\u00eb sot nuk ka ekzistuar asnj\u00eb dokument zyrtar i cili ka p\u00ebrmendur mini-shengenin. Ky term madje nuk gjendet n\u00eb asnj\u00eb raport t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Hera e par\u00eb kur u vendos n\u00eb nj\u00eb dokument zyrtar \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb dokumentin e zotimeve n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb me 4 shtator.<\/p>\n<p>Ishte pak e habitshme se si n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend kaq t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm sikurse Sht\u00ebpia e Bardh\u00eb u hodh n\u00eb nj\u00eb let\u00ebr \u2018t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme\u2019 nj\u00eb ide ende e pa formuar sikurse mini-shengeni, t\u00eb cil\u00ebs BE i ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb zero r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n<p>Gjithsesi, k\u00ebtu nuk do t\u00eb flas p\u00ebr takimin e 4 shtatorit.<\/p>\n<p>Si\u00e7 dihet, ideja p\u00ebr nj\u00eb zon\u00eb doganore t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt p\u00ebr Ballkanin Perendimor me baz\u00eb kat\u00ebr lirit\u00eb e BE-s\u00eb kishte filluar t\u00eb qarkulloj q\u00eb nga viti 2016 por Kosova ka refuzuar vazhdimisht diskutimin rreth saj p\u00ebr arsye sa ekonomike po aq edhe politike.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb dukje e harruar, ideja u ringjall kur vitin e kaluar Franca refuzoi hapjen e negociatave p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb dhe Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut.\u00a0 N\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebrim e sip\u00ebr, Rama dhe Zaev vrapuan shpejt\u00eb tek Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 n\u00eb Novi Sad i cili i priti me duart e hapura. Vrapimi tek Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 p\u00ebr t\u00eb ringjallur unionin doganor ishte m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb shenj\u00eb hakmarrjeje ndaj BE-s\u00eb dhe shenj\u00eb dor\u00ebzimi ndaj reformave se sa veprim i mir\u00eb menduar.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb takim u ri afirmua ideja e kopjuar p\u00ebr kat\u00ebr lirit\u00eb: Lirin\u00eb e l\u00ebvizjes s\u00eb kapitalit, mallrave, sh\u00ebrbimeve dhe njer\u00ebzve.\u00a0 K\u00ebtu p\u00ebrher\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb u p\u00ebrmend edhe emri I k\u00ebsaj iniciative nga Vucic si \u201c<em>Nj\u00eb mini-Shengen q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund\u00ebsoj\u00eb udh\u00ebtimet pa pasaport\u00eb, vet\u00ebm me kart\u00eb identiteti<\/em>.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Ideja e mini-shengenit, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn Serbia e vuri kusht edhe n\u00eb Washington, \u00ebsht\u00eb platforma q\u00eb Serbis\u00eb i mund\u00ebson zgjerim t\u00eb tregut me qasje n\u00eb nj\u00eb port t\u00eb thell\u00eb n\u00eb adriatik pa b\u00ebr\u00eb reformat demokratike, pa sakrifikuar bashk\u00ebpunimin ushtarak me Rusin\u00eb, pa rrezikuar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet tregtare me Kin\u00ebn dhe pa i penguar negociatat p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, mini-shengeni i lejon Serbis\u00eb treg dhe l\u00ebvizje pa pasaporta duke anashkaluar k\u00ebshtu edhe njohjen e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Mini-shengeni si term nuk ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb asgj\u00eb me lirin\u00eb e l\u00ebvizjes s\u00eb mallrave, kapitalit dhe sh\u00ebrbimeve, por vet\u00ebm me lirin\u00eb e l\u00ebvizjes s\u00eb njer\u00ebzve. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim em\u00ebrtimi mini-shengen \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7orientues sepse fsheh q\u00ebllimin e gjer\u00eb t\u00eb iniciativ\u00ebs q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin\u00eb 3 lirit\u00eb tjera por edhe q\u00ebllimet e Serbis\u00eb q\u00eb u p\u00ebrmenden m\u00eb lart\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb fakt \u00ebsht\u00eb gabim t\u00eb thuhet se iniciativa e Novi-Sadit \u00ebsht\u00eb iniciativ\u00eb p\u00ebr mini-shengen pasi ajo nuk p\u00ebrfshin\u00eb vet\u00ebm lirin\u00eb e l\u00ebvizjes por, si\u00e7 u qart\u00ebsua edhe n\u00eb takimin e Ohrit t\u00eb vitit t\u00eb kaluar, ajo p\u00ebrfshin\u00eb kat\u00ebr lirit\u00eb themelore t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. K\u00ebsisoj, em\u00ebrtimi m\u00eb i sakt\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte\u00a0<strong><em>Iniciativa e Novi-Sadit<\/em><\/strong>\u00a0p\u00ebr mini-BE-n\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>\u00cbsht\u00eb mir\u00eb q\u00eb zon\u00ebn e shengenit n\u00eb BE t\u00eb mos e ngat\u00ebrrojm\u00eb me lirin\u00eb e l\u00ebvizjes n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb lirive themelore e BE-s\u00eb (e garantuar me TEU neni 3 paragrafi 2; TFEU 45), pasi liria e l\u00ebvizjes n\u00eb BE rregullon t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb kaluar kufirin mes shteteve me ID kart\u00eb por t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb punuar e p\u00ebr t\u00eb jetuar e pun\u00ebsuar pa diskriminim kudo brenda BE-s\u00eb; t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb hapur biznes e p\u00ebr t\u00eb ofruar sh\u00ebrbime pa pengesa administrative e pa diskriminim etj. P\u00ebr t\u00eb garantuar k\u00ebto t\u00eb drejta duhet t\u00eb krijohen institucione t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta rregullatore t\u00eb cilat garantojn\u00eb zbatimin e k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb drejtave dhe detyrimeve brenda zon\u00ebs s\u00eb lir\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Prandaj pyetja q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb shtrohet \u00ebsht\u00eb jo a do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet Kosova pjes\u00eb e mini-shengenit por a do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet Kosova pjes\u00eb e \u201c<em>Iniciativ\u00ebs s\u00eb Novi-Sadit p\u00ebr mini-BE-n\u00eb<\/em>\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb dokumenteve zyrtare t\u00eb cilat do t\u00eb jepnin m\u00eb shum\u00eb detaje p\u00ebr iden\u00eb e Novi-Sadit, un\u00eb do t\u00eb jap argumente kund\u00ebr ides\u00eb si t\u00eb till\u00eb, ashtu si\u00e7 ajo u proklamua n\u00eb Novi Sad, pastaj n\u00eb Oh\u00ebr dhe s\u00eb fundmi n\u00eb Uashington.<\/p>\n<p>Por para se t\u00eb kaloj tek argumentet kund\u00ebr mini-shengenit \u00ebsht\u00eb mir\u00eb q\u00eb disa pyetje t\u00eb parashtrohen qysh n\u00eb fillim. Si p\u00ebr shembull: Si do t\u00eb rregullohet vendimmarrja brenda zon\u00ebs s\u00eb re doganore? Si do t\u00eb rregullohen marr\u00ebveshjet ekonomike me pal\u00ebt e treta q\u00eb kan\u00eb shtetet? N\u00eb BE e kemi Gjykat\u00ebn Evropiane t\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr shkelje t\u00eb drejtave dhe detyrimeve q\u00eb burojn\u00eb nga traktatet, rregulloret, direktivat e vendimet. Kush do t\u00eb jet\u00eb arbitri n\u00ebse jet\u00ebsohet iniciativa e Novi-Sadit? N\u00eb rast t\u00eb hyrjes n\u00eb iniciativ\u00ebn e Novi-Sadit kufijt\u00eb doganor t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs do t\u00eb zhvendoseshin n\u00eb kufijte e shteteve p\u00ebrreth. A do t\u00eb krijohet agjenci e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt p\u00ebr patrullim t\u00eb kufijve t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm sikurse FRONTEX, apo agjenci t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta t\u00eb sigurimeve n\u00eb trafik? Si do t\u00eb luftohet krimi e kontrabanda n\u00eb nj\u00eb treg t\u00eb gjer\u00eb e me kufi t\u00eb hapur? Si do t\u00eb duket dizajni i nj\u00eb unioni doganor mes shteteve t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor ku Serbia dhe Bosnja e Hercegovina nuk njohin Kosov\u00ebn si shtet dhe pal\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb?<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00c7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb reciprociteti?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Reciprociteti \u00ebsht\u00eb parim udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs mes shteteve n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Reciprociteti buron nga e drejta sovrane e shtetit p\u00ebr t\u00eb vet\u00ebqeverisur me territorin e tij. K\u00ebto t\u00eb drejta sovrane mund t\u00eb delegohen n\u00eb fusha t\u00eb caktuara me vullnetin e shtetit si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb delegimi me rastin e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb Bashkimin Evropian, ndonj\u00eb organizat\u00eb tjet\u00ebr nd\u00ebrqeveritare apo federat\u00eb. E drejta p\u00ebr t\u00eb vepruar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb reciproke ndaj nj\u00eb veprimi, vendimi, sjellje apo provokimi (etj) nga nj\u00eb shtet tjet\u00ebr ruhet n\u00eb \u00e7do marr\u00ebveshje sa her\u00eb q\u00eb ato marr\u00ebveshje shkelen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb anshme, direkt apo indirekt nga pala tjet\u00ebr. Natyrisht, p\u00ebrjashtim b\u00ebjn\u00eb rastet kur shtetet n\u00eb vend t\u00eb aplikimit t\u00eb reciprocitetit vendosin q\u00eb ato t\u2019i zgjidhin p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb autoriteti m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti me sistemin e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb BE.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdo marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb re qe futet Republika e Kosov\u00ebs do t\u00eb ket\u00eb t\u00eb drejta dhe detyrime, e k\u00ebshtu do t\u00eb ndodhte edhe me iniciativ\u00ebn e Novi Sadit, n\u00ebse ajo do b\u00ebhej realitet. Nga nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje e mundshme do t\u00eb krijoheshin t\u00eb drejta dhe detyrime p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha pal\u00ebt. Shkelja e k\u00ebtyre t\u00eb drejtave ndaj nj\u00ebr\u00ebs pal\u00eb krijon hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn p\u00ebr reciprocitet nga pala tjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n<p>Merreni CEFTEN p\u00ebr shembull. N\u00eb nenin e par\u00eb t\u00eb saj thuhet se do t\u00eb eliminohen barrierat tregtare dhe do t\u00eb leht\u00ebsohet l\u00ebvizja e lir\u00eb e mallrave, por ne e dim\u00eb tashm\u00eb q\u00eb Serbia nuk e ka respektuar k\u00ebt\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje. E dim\u00eb edhe q\u00eb Kosova nuk kishte aplikuar kurr\u00eb parimin e reciprocitetit deri n\u00eb Mars t\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb \u00e7far\u00ebdo marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb re, derisa Serbia nuk e njeh Kosov\u00ebn si shtet, p\u00ebrs\u00ebri do t\u00eb vendos pengesa dhe diskriminime ndaj t\u00eb cilave Kosova do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb vepronte me masa reciproke.<\/p>\n<p>Parimi i reciprocitetit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb mjet i cili prodhon tregti t\u00eb lir\u00eb apo q\u00eb eliminon barrierat jo-tarifore e tarifore apo q\u00eb b\u00ebn\u00eb mrekulli tjera. Parimi i reciprocitetit \u00ebsht\u00eb e drejt\u00eb e shtetit p\u00ebr t\u2019iu p\u00ebrgjigjur nj\u00eb shteti apo entiteti t\u00eb caktuar me veprimin e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb dhe n\u00eb mas\u00eb proporcionale me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb detyrimit t\u00eb pal\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb respektimit t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes, arritjes s\u00eb barazis\u00eb dhe respektimit t\u00eb dinjitetit e integritetit shtet\u00ebror. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim reciprociteti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb mjet dhe e drejt\u00eb q\u00eb konsumohet por ai \u00ebsht\u00eb mjet i p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm n\u00eb dispozicion t\u00eb shtetit.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Duke konsideruar se sqarimet p\u00ebr termet mini-shengen dhe reciprocitet jan\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqshme, tani mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjemi n\u00eb pyetjen n\u00ebse Kosova duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb pjes\u00eb apo jo e iniciativ\u00ebs s\u00eb Novi Sadit a.k.a \u201cmini-shengenit\u201d.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb parim, ka shum\u00eb argumente se p\u00ebrse hyrja n\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb tregtis\u00eb s\u00eb lir\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrfituese p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha pal\u00ebt. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb shembull kemi BE-n\u00eb. N\u00eb BE, shtetet nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb barabarta as p\u00ebr nga popullsia as p\u00ebr nga t\u00eb ardhurat e prodhimtaria dhe as p\u00ebr nga mir\u00ebqenia sociale. Ndarja Veri-Jug \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja kryesore se p\u00ebrse BE-ja ka programet sikurse \u201c<em>Structural and the Cohesion Fund<\/em>\u201d t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb politika p\u00ebr shp\u00ebrndarjen e t\u00eb ardhurave n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb zvog\u00eblohet pabarazia n\u00eb zhvillim mes veriut t\u00eb pasur dhe jugut m\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebr t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Q\u00ebndron argumenti se t\u00eb qenurit pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb zone t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt ekonomike krijon p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi p\u00ebr shtetet me fuqi m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha e me struktur\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb ekonomike, por n\u00ebse ka nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb rregulla t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillta dhe v\u00ebrtet\u00eb integrues sikurse \u00ebsht\u00eb BE, at\u00ebher\u00eb p\u00ebrfitimet afatgjata jan\u00eb evidente p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebt. N\u00eb BE shtetet e vogla sikurse Malta me gjysm\u00eb milioni banor\u00eb apo Qipro me 1.1 milion banor\u00eb g\u00ebzojn\u00eb t\u00eb ardhura t\u00eb larta p\u00ebr kok\u00eb banori krahasuar me shtetet me t\u00eb pasura e me popull\u00ebsi m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe.<\/p>\n<p>Prandaj edhe nuk do t\u00eb merrem k\u00ebtu me teorit\u00eb e tregut t\u00eb lir\u00eb dhe argumentet t\u00eb cilat nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb vendosura n\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst real si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti i iniciativ\u00ebs s\u00eb Novi Sadit sepse n\u00eb rrafshin teorik \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb se p\u00ebrfitimet afatgjata t\u00eb zon\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt doganore tejkalojn\u00eb humbjet afatshkurtra, por \u00ebsht\u00eb konteksti politik ai i cili ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi k\u00ebtu sepse edhe argumentet ekonomike edhe politike derivojn\u00eb nga konteksti real politik.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb kontekstin real politik jan\u00eb dy faktor\u00eb (t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn) q\u00eb determinojn\u00eb suksesin apo d\u00ebshtimin e mini-shengenit i cili n\u00eb teori mund t\u00eb duket ide e mir\u00eb.\u00a0<strong><em>Faktori i par\u00eb<\/em><\/strong>\u00a0jan\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e hapura me Serbin\u00eb, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb d\u00ebmet e luft\u00ebs, borxhet dhe adresimi i krimeve t\u00eb luft\u00ebs, suksesionet e deri tek njohja e ekzistenc\u00ebs ton\u00eb si shtet nga Serbia dhe Bosnja si an\u00ebtare n\u00eb ardhje t\u00eb mini-shengenit.\u00a0<strong><em>Faktori i dyt\u00eb<\/em><\/strong>\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb integrimi. I gjith\u00eb Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb proces zyrtar t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb Bashkimin Evropian, proces i cili ofron p\u00ebrfitime m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha se sa ato q\u00eb m\u00ebtohen t\u00eb arrihen me iniciativ\u00ebn e Novi Sadit.<\/p>\n<p>K\u00ebta dy faktor\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb injorohen. Nisur nga e v\u00ebrteta se Serbia nuk njeh ekzistenc\u00ebn e Kosov\u00ebs si shtet dhe nga p\u00ebrvoja e sjelljes s\u00eb saj deri m\u00eb tani, Serbia nuk do t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb asnj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn detyrohet t\u00eb trajtoj Kosov\u00ebn si pal\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb. \u201cMini-shengeni\u201d i Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it nuk e duron reciprocitetin e Kosov\u00ebs sepse nuk e duron Kosov\u00ebn si pal\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb sepse nuk e njeh Kosov\u00ebn shtet. Duke e ditur k\u00ebt\u00eb fakt apriori ne nuk mund t\u00eb mbyllim syt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb b\u00ebhemi kinse kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00ebjt\u00eb si\u00e7 nuk mund t\u00eb pranojm\u00eb q\u00eb integrimin n\u00eb BE ta z\u00ebvend\u00ebsojm\u00eb me nj\u00eb realitet tjet\u00ebr fiktiv. Ne jemi shtet evropian dhe i plot\u00ebsojm\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha kriteret p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb pjes\u00eb e Bashkimit Evropian. Njohja nga 5 vendet an\u00ebtare \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje sa e BE-s\u00eb po aq edhe e Kosov\u00ebs. N\u00ebse Kosova do t\u00eb vepronte dhe sillej si shtet sovran dhe nuk do t\u00eb pranonte t\u00eb shtronte \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e sovranitetit dhe t\u00ebr\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb saj territoriale n\u00eb tavolin\u00ebn e bisedimeve me BE n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim t\u00eb njohjes nga Serbia e t\u00eb 5 njohjeve nga BE, ne do t\u00eb ishim shum\u00eb her\u00eb n\u00eb pozicion m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb se q\u00eb jemi sot. Pes\u00eb shtetet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb mbajn\u00eb peng p\u00ebrher\u00eb 22 shtete tjera dhe as t\u00eb imponojn\u00eb nj\u00eb realitet politik mbi to p\u00ebrher\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Por ne kemi ndjekur politik\u00eb t\u00eb gabuar shtet\u00ebrore. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb pritjes s\u00eb dor\u00ebzimit t\u00eb 5 shteteve an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb karshi realitetit t\u00eb krijuar, ne jemi dor\u00ebzuar para Serbis\u00eb pas shpalljes s\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb prej saj.<\/p>\n<p>Tani e kuptoj se ka nga ata q\u00eb thon\u00eb se pritja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjidhje, por n\u00eb rastin ton\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb. Ne kemi marr\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha njohjet e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb bot\u00ebs demokratike dhe presioni demokratik do t\u00eb ishte ndaj nj\u00eb Serbie jo-demokratike. Kosova mund t\u00eb normalizoj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me Serbin\u00eb vet\u00ebm kur ajo t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn dhe t\u00eb shikoj nga e ardhmja demokratike. Sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb presion q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb Serbia n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim aq m\u00eb i shpejt\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb ndryshimi i saj. Pra presioni duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb tek Serbia e jo tek ne. Por ne nuk kemi zgjedhur k\u00ebt\u00eb rrug\u00eb. Ne kemi zgjedhur rrug\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebpunimit dhe rehabilitimit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb dhe i kemi hequr presionin q\u00eb ajo t\u00eb demokratizohet dhe tashm\u00eb ajo po rr\u00ebshqet drejt autokracis\u00eb \u00e7do dit\u00eb e m\u00eb tep\u00ebr.<\/p>\n<p>Ajo q\u00eb ne na pengon dhe na ka penguar n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn drejt integrimit n\u00eb BE \u00ebsht\u00eb krimi i duksh\u00ebm dhe korrupsioni i tejduksh\u00ebm; mungesa e zhvillimit ekonomik dhe mungesa e mir\u00ebqenies p\u00ebr njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mos t\u00eb krijojm\u00eb ekzode n\u00eb vendet e BE-s\u00eb. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb faji q\u00ebndron tek ne.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim Iniciativa e Novi Sadit nuk mundet t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbush\u00eb boshll\u00ebkun q\u00eb ne kemi krijuar nga mungesa e sundimit t\u00eb ligjit, nga korrupsioni i lart\u00eb e d\u00ebshtimet n\u00eb ekonomi, arsim e sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n<p>Iniciativa e Novi Sadit \u00ebsht\u00eb e d\u00ebmshme edhe n\u00eb aspektin ekonomik. Ndoshta k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb miri mund ta ilustrojm\u00eb n\u00ebse b\u00ebjm\u00eb nj\u00eb analogji me ligat e futbollit duke marr\u00eb lig\u00ebn A dhe lig\u00ebn B n\u00eb futboll. N\u00eb lig\u00ebn A n\u00eb futboll luajn\u00eb klubet m\u00eb cil\u00ebsore e m\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitura ku edhe p\u00ebrfitimet financiare jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha.<br \/>\nN\u00eb lig\u00ebn B ka m\u00eb pak p\u00ebrfitime spese ka m\u00eb pak kualitet t\u00eb loj\u00ebs sepse ka m\u00eb pak konkurrenc\u00eb sepse edhe kualiteti i lojtar\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i dob\u00ebt, k\u00ebsisoj edhe p\u00ebrfitimet n\u00eb lig\u00ebn B n\u00eb futboll jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebta.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb krahasim i till\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet edhe mes iniciativ\u00ebs s\u00eb Novi Sadit dhe tregut unik t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Iniciativa e Novi Sadit \u00ebsht\u00eb tendenc\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar Lig\u00ebn B p\u00ebr shtete m\u00eb t\u00eb dob\u00ebta t\u00eb cilat nuk po arrijn\u00eb t\u00eb hyjn\u00eb n\u00eb Lig\u00ebn A, e q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb tregu unik i BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Mir\u00ebpo krijimi i nj\u00eb lige B n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast \u00ebsht\u00eb i d\u00ebmsh\u00ebm sepse \u00e7orienton reformat t\u00eb cilat ne i kemi nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb deri tani, ul\u00eb standardet e cil\u00ebsis\u00eb, ul\u00eb ambiciet p\u00ebr reforma t\u00eb m\u00ebtejshme dhe p\u00ebr m\u00eb keq heq incentivat p\u00ebr ndryshime demokratike t\u00eb cilat n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e integrimit n\u00eb BE jan\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhura. P\u00ebr t\u00eb vazhduar analogjin\u00eb, p\u00ebr klubet e futbollit n\u00eb Lig\u00ebn B incentiva p\u00ebr loj\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kaluar n\u00eb Lig\u00ebn A ku ka p\u00ebrfitime t\u00eb m\u00ebdha financiare. Por n\u00ebse Lig\u00ebn A (tregun unik t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb) e z\u00ebvend\u00ebsojm\u00eb me nj\u00eb lig\u00eb B (inicitiv\u00ebn e Novi Sadit), at\u00ebher\u00eb hiqen incentivat p\u00ebr reforma.<\/p>\n<p>Prandaj iniciativ\u00ebs s\u00eb Novi Sadit duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb jo sepse Serbia nuk e njeh Kosov\u00ebn; sepse nuk duam ta z\u00ebvend\u00ebsojm\u00eb BE-n\u00eb me nj\u00eb mini-BE dhe sepse nuk duam t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsojm\u00eb demokracin\u00eb me autokraci.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\">\n<p class=\"author\">\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Ideja e Novi Sadit a.k.a mini-shengeni Deri m\u00eb sot nuk ka ekzistuar asnj\u00eb dokument zyrtar i cili ka p\u00ebrmendur mini-shengenin. Ky term madje nuk gjendet n\u00eb asnj\u00eb raport t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Hera e par\u00eb kur u vendos n\u00eb nj\u00eb dokument zyrtar \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb dokumentin e zotimeve n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb me 4 shtator. Ishte [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":122,"featured_media":9127,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1043,11,1543],"ppma_author":[147],"class_list":["post-5436","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-be","tag-kosova","tag-mini-shengeni"],"authors":[{"term_id":147,"user_id":122,"is_guest":0,"slug":"jeton-zulfaj","display_name":"Jeton Zulfaj","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-13-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-13-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Zulfaj","first_name":"Jeton","description":"Autori \u00ebsht\u00eb ish-k\u00ebshilltar politik dhe p\u00ebr \u00c7\u00ebshtje Evropiane i ish-kryeministrit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, Albin Kurti."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5436","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/122"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5436"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5436\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9128,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5436\/revisions\/9128"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9127"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5436"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5436"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5436"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5436"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}