{"id":5533,"date":"2019-05-03T14:13:50","date_gmt":"2019-05-03T12:13:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5533"},"modified":"2024-10-25T14:16:50","modified_gmt":"2024-10-25T12:16:50","slug":"pse-hannah-arendt-eshte-filozofja-e-se-sotmes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/pse-hannah-arendt-eshte-filozofja-e-se-sotmes\/","title":{"rendered":"Pse Hannah Arendt \u00ebsht\u00eb filozofja e s\u00eb sotmes"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb<\/span>\u00a0The New Statesman<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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E formuar gjat\u00eb persekutimin nazist, filozofia politike e Arendt-it po rigjall\u00ebrohet n\u00eb koh\u00ebt tona t\u00eb turbullta.<\/em><\/p>\n

Kur n\u00eb maj t\u00eb vitit 1940 Hannah Arendt u d\u00ebrgua n\u00eb kampin e p\u00ebrqendrimit n\u00eb Gurs, n\u00eb jugper\u00ebndim t\u00eb Franc\u00ebs, ajo b\u00ebri m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebn \u00e7\u2019mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet kur kurthohesh n\u00eb nj\u00eb makth t\u00eb realitetit: lexoi \u2013\u00a0N\u00eb k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb Koh\u00ebs s\u00eb Humbur\u00a0<\/em>t\u00eb Proust-it,\u00a0Mbi Luft\u00ebn<\/em>\u00a0t\u00eb Clausewitz-it dhe, me padurim, tregimet e Georges Simenon-it. Sot njer\u00ebzit po e lexojn\u00eb Arendt-in p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar predikamentin ton\u00eb aq t\u00eb \u00e7oroditur.<\/p>\n

Menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas inaugurimit t\u00eb Trump-it, kryevepra e vitit 1951 e Arendt-it\u00a0Origjinat e Totalitarizmit [The Origins of Totalitarianism]\u00a0<\/em>hyri n\u00eb list\u00ebn e bestseller\u00ebve n\u00eb SHBA. Q\u00eb ateh\u00ebr\u00eb, cop\u00ebza t\u00eb vogla t\u00eb paralajm\u00ebrimeve t\u00eb saj p\u00ebr jet\u00ebn politike pas-t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs kan\u00eb vorbulluar mediat sociale. Arendt-i, dikur \u201cemigrante e paligjshme\u201d (fjal\u00ebt e saj), historiane e totalitarizmit, analiste e banalitetit t\u00eb lig\u00ebsis\u00eb administrative dhe avokuese e fillimeve t\u00eb reja politike, \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb mendimtarja politike e parap\u00eblqyer p\u00ebr epok\u00ebn e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb brutalitetit fashist.<\/p>\n

Nuk jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm kund\u00ebrshtar\u00ebt e nacionalizmit t\u00eb djatht\u00eb q\u00eb po e rizbulojn\u00eb vepr\u00ebn e saj. Partia e ekstremit t\u00eb djatht\u00eb n\u00eb Gjermani, Alternativa p\u00ebr Gjermanin\u00eb (AfD), \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur t\u00eb zbukuroj\u00eb prentendimet e saj p\u00ebr studime serioze me ca gjysma citatesh nga Arendt-i. Misioni intelektual i AfD-s\u00eb, n\u00eb rast se nuk e keni marr\u00eb me mend, \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb \u201cqart\u00ebsi dhe transparenc\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb diskursin publik. Na t\u00ebrheqin v\u00ebmendjen me maturi ata se pushteti, sipas Arendt-it, \u201cb\u00ebhet i rreziksh\u00ebm tamam aty ku mbaron publiku\u201d. Pushteti, thot\u00eb gjithashtu Arendt-i, b\u00ebhet i rreziksh\u00ebm kur elitat kapitaliste b\u00ebhen nj\u00ebsh me bandat, kur racizmit i lejohet t\u00eb marr\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00eb institucionet e shtetit, dhe kur vetmia e l\u00ebnduar e t\u00eb jetuarit n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb atomizuar e pa fakte, i b\u00ebn njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb pa krye \u00e7far\u00ebdo miti me xixa q\u00eb do t\u2019u b\u00ebj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb q\u00eb Arendt-i e donte hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn publike t\u00eb politik\u00ebs p\u00ebr qart\u00ebsin\u00eb e sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb q\u00eb i jepte bashk\u00ebjetes\u00ebs. \u00cbsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb poashtu, se ajo k\u00ebrkonte republik\u00eb politike t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb interesin e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt. P\u00ebr k\u00ebto dy arsye, do t\u00eb duhej ta lexojm\u00eb sot. Por p\u00ebrkushtimi i saj ndaj pluralitetit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ftes\u00eb p\u00ebr nacionalizmin. Arendt-i e donte politik\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhej n\u00eb drit\u00eb, ashtu q\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb shohin nj\u00ebri tjetrin ashtu si\u00e7 jemi. Megjithat\u00eb, kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se duhet t\u00eb pranojm\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb duksh\u00ebm shkat\u00ebrrimtare p\u00ebr vet\u00eb politik\u00ebn, por duhet t\u00eb pranojm\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb na duket e neveritshme ekziston n\u00eb realitet \u2013 dhe pastaj ta rezistojm\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Po t\u00eb ket\u00eb gj\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn e kemi m\u00ebsuar k\u00ebto dy vjet\u00ebt e fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb se realiteti yn\u00eb politik nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ai q\u00eb e kishim menduar dhe kurrsesi ai t\u00eb cilin do t\u00eb donim ta kishim. Sepse koh\u00ebrat n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat jetoi ajo ishin poaq t\u00eb err\u00ebta, t\u00eb dhunshme, t\u00eb paparashikueshme, dhe ngaq\u00eb qe e zgjuar, diligjente dhe pun\u00ebtore, Arendt-i qe e zonja n\u00eb t\u00eb menduarit shpejt dhe me p\u00ebrpikm\u00ebri rreth paprecendet\u00ebve politik\u00eb e moral\u00eb. Kishte mosbesim p\u00ebr analogjit\u00eb e thjeshta, mendonte se precendent\u00ebt historik\u00eb nuk qen\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar t\u00eb papritshmen, dhe n\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj praktikoi at\u00eb q\u00eb e quajti \u201ct\u00eb mendosh pa parmak\u00eb.\u201d Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aq si Kasandra nga nj\u00eb kapitull m\u00eb i hersh\u00ebm i historis\u00eb q\u00eb ajo ka m\u00ebsime p\u00ebr ne sot, sa si mendimtare politike e t\u00eb parehatshmes dhe t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

T\u00eb menduarit \u00ebsht\u00eb qendrore p\u00ebr tregimin e jet\u00ebs s\u00eb Arendt-it. E lindur m\u00eb 1906 n\u00eb Konigsberg (vendlindja e Kant-it), f\u00ebmij\u00eb shum\u00eb i dashur i prind\u00ebrve majtist\u00eb dhe e zgjuar para kohe, ajo pat shum\u00eb\u00e7ka p\u00ebr t\u00eb menduar q\u00eb her\u00ebt. Fillimisht qe i ati, sifilizi i tij dhe rr\u00ebshqitja n\u00eb \u00e7menduri deri n\u00eb vdekje kur ajo ishte ve\u00e7 shtat\u00eb vje\u00e7, e nd\u00ebrroi bot\u00ebn q\u00eb mendoi se e njihte dhe e b\u00ebri t\u00eb \u00e7uditshme e t\u00eb pasigurt. Pastaj erdhi antisemitizmi q\u00eb e p\u00ebrjetoi gjat\u00eb sharjeve n\u00eb k\u00ebndin e loj\u00ebrave dhe nd\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsimi i shpejt\u00eb se n\u00eb m\u00ebrin\u00eb e f\u00ebmij\u00ebve merrnin pjes\u00eb shum\u00eb prej t\u00eb rriturve p\u00ebrreth saj. E \u00ebma e m\u00ebsoi q\u00eb kur sulmohesh si hebre duhet t\u00eb mbrohesh si hebre.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb menduarit qe mbrojtja e par\u00eb e Arendt-it kundrejt bot\u00ebs s\u00eb \u00e7uditshme. Por, t\u00eb menduarit do t\u00eb ishte gjithnj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se di\u00e7ka q\u00eb e b\u00ebn me mendje; kjo do t\u00eb do ishte m\u00ebnyra e saj e t\u00eb qenit n\u00eb bot\u00eb. Ky qe m\u00ebsimi q\u00eb e mori prej m\u00ebsuesit dhe dashnorit t\u00eb saj, Martin Heidegger. Arendt ishte vet\u00ebm 18 vje\u00e7 kur, m\u00eb 1924, takoi Heidegger-in n\u00eb Universitetin e Marburgut. \u00a0Nuk ka shum\u00eb t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb (si\u00e7 sugjerojn\u00eb disa) q\u00eb t\u00eb ken\u00eb qen\u00eb veshjet e tij tradicionale ose m\u00ebnyra se si i mbant\u00eb skit\u00eb mbi sup q\u00eb e shtyn\u00eb t\u00eb flinte me t\u00eb, por ajo iu bind me pasion argumentit t\u00eb tij se ne mendojm\u00eb, ekzistojm\u00eb e dashurojm\u00eb p\u00ebrmes fjal\u00ebve. \u201cU takuam\u201d, thot\u00eb m\u00eb von\u00eb ajo, \u201cp\u00ebmes gjuh\u00ebs gjermane.\u201d<\/p>\n

Fjal\u00ebt kishin vler\u00eb t\u00eb madhe p\u00ebr Arendt-in edhe ngaq\u00eb mendojm\u00eb me to edhe ngaq\u00eb e b\u00ebjn\u00eb t\u00eb mundur bashk\u00ebjetes\u00ebn. Ajo shkroi n\u00eb tre gjuh\u00eb dhe lexoi e mendoi n\u00eb s\u00eb paku gjasht\u00eb sosh. Si\u00e7 do t\u00eb thoshte n\u00eb gjermanisht, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb gjuha q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7menduri. Por, me t\u00eb arritur t\u00eb nj\u00ebzetat e saj, njer\u00ebzit filluan t\u00eb \u00e7menden, madje edhe ata q\u00eb ishin n\u00eb rregull nga mendt\u00eb q\u00eb i konsideronte miq u t\u00ebrhoq\u00ebn nga realitetit politik gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb i pahijsh\u00ebm drejt opozit\u00ebs s\u00eb heshtur. Si hebreje, Arendt-i nuk e kishte luksin e \u201cemigrimit t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm\u201d, dhe p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb jet\u00ebs s\u00eb saj mendoi \u2013 dhe luftoi \u2013 q\u00eb t\u00eb kthehej n\u00eb bot\u00ebn q\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment, e sfidoi edhe t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb ekzistuar.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb menduarit i shp\u00ebtoi jet\u00ebn Arendt-it m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00ebher\u00eb. Studimet e hershme t\u00eb historis\u00eb politike europiane i hoq\u00ebn iluzionet rreth aft\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb T\u00eb Drejtave t\u00eb Njeriut p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur k\u00ebdo prej dhun\u00ebs q\u00eb gufon kur shemben institucionet politike. Kur erdh\u00ebn koh\u00ebt e err\u00ebta, ajo u b\u00ebri ball\u00eb si duhet.<\/p>\n

E arrestuar nga Gestapo m\u00eb 1933 p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb studimit t\u00eb propagand\u00ebs antisemite, shpejt vuri re se ishte kapur nga nj\u00eb fillestar i ngath\u00ebt, dhe thjesht e mashtroi me fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019iu shmangur burgut. Kur n\u00eb vitin 1940, komunitetit t\u00eb saj prej refugjat\u00ebsh n\u00eb Paris, i erdhi kumtimi q\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb grat\u00eb \u201carmike-t\u00eb huaja\u201d pa f\u00ebmij\u00eb t\u00eb mblidheshin n\u00eb Velodrome d\u2019Hiver p\u00ebr t\u2019u deportuar, ajo qe nj\u00eb prej t\u00eb paktave me guximin q\u00eb t\u00eb shihte m\u00eb t\u00eb keqen. Ajo iku nga kampi i p\u00ebrqendrimit n\u00eb Gurs n\u00eb mes t\u00eb kaosit t\u00eb pushtimit gjerman \u2013 ata q\u00eb q\u00ebndruan u deportuan p\u00ebr n\u00eb Aushvic \u2013 Birkenau. Me t\u2019i p\u00ebrdorur dredhinat q\u00eb kishte m\u00ebsuar nga Simenon-i, ajo i mashtroi autoritetet, duke i b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb mendojn\u00eb se t\u00eb shoqin tashm\u00eb ia kishin arrestuar.<\/p>\n

Maturia politike e Arendt-it u formua n\u00eb ato vende t\u00eb cilat AfD-ja me shok\u00eb i sheh si problematike: komunitetet e imigrant\u00ebve, mes rrugicave t\u00eb refugjat\u00ebve, mes t\u00eb dobt\u00ebve, t\u00eb mallkuarve, vet\u00ebmohuesve. Ajo u vet\u00ebshpall paria, term q\u00eb e huazoi nga mendimtari radikal hebre Bernard Lazare, i cili kishte m\u00ebsuar nga \u00c7\u00ebshtja Dreyfuss e Franc\u00ebs se asimilimi nuk t\u00eb mbronte prej racizmit. Pariat refugjat\u00eb, pohonte ajo, qen\u00eb \u201cpararoja\u201d t\u00eb popujve t\u00eb tyre, dhe Arendt-i ndjehej krenare q\u00eb ishte mes tyre.<\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 e din\u00eb shum\u00eb mir\u00eb aktivist\u00ebt refugjat\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb sotmes, p\u00ebr brezin e Arendit-it ishte mund i madh t\u2019i b\u00ebsh njer\u00ebzit t\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb, se \u00e7far\u00eb po ngjante nuk ishte thjesht fat i keq p\u00ebr t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, as problem humanitar p\u00ebr t\u2019u menaxhuar, por n\u00eb thelb, di\u00e7ka transformative. \u201cMe sa duket, askush nuk do t\u00eb dij\u00eb se historia bashk\u00ebkohore ka krijuar forma t\u00eb reja t\u00eb qenieve njer\u00ebzore \u2013 t\u00eb llojit q\u00eb d\u00ebrgohen n\u00eb kampe p\u00ebrqendrimi nga armiqt\u00eb dhe n\u00eb kampe internimi nga miqt\u00eb e tyre,\u201d shkruante m\u00eb 1943, n\u00eb esen\u00eb e bukur por t\u00eb hidhur t\u00eb titulluar\u00a0\u201cNe Refugjat\u00ebt\u201d [We Refugees]<\/em>. Deri at\u00ebher\u00eb, Arendt-i ishte arratisur nga Europa p\u00ebr n\u00eb Nju Jork, dhe po fillonte t\u00eb zinte vendin n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb shum\u00eb shpejt do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej nj\u00eb prej grupeve m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb shekullit 20-t\u00eb, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Hans Jonas-in, Irving Howe-n, Robert Lowell-in, dhe Randall Jarrell-in, Mary McCarthy-n dhe WH Auden-in.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb fotografi e famshme\u00a0<\/a>\u00a0e vitit 1944 nga nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr refugjat hebre, Fred Stein, kap intensitetin e Arendt-it \u2013 dhe bukurin\u00eb \u2013 n\u00eb ato vite: ajo p\u00ebrkulet para n\u00eb profil, duke v\u00ebshtruar vendosm\u00ebrisht drejt s\u00eb ardhmes, me cigaren mes dy gishtave t\u00eb gjat\u00eb dhe hirin gati sa s\u2019shkundet. Arendt-it i p\u00eblqente duhani po aq sa miqt\u00eb, rregullisht dhe thell\u00ebsisht.<\/p>\n

E padurueshme me fam\u00ebn intelektuale dhe dyshuese ndaj q\u00ebndrimeve publike, Arendt-i mbajti vetveten dhe miqt\u00eb af\u00ebr gjat\u00eb pjes\u00ebs s\u00eb dyt\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00ebs s\u00eb saj. Ajo vdiq m\u00eb 1975, pas nj\u00eb darke mes miqsh. Kjo shoq\u00ebrueshm\u00ebri ishte po aq vet\u00ebmohuese dhe politike sa edhe personale. \u201cLloji i ri i qenieve njer\u00ebzore\u201d t\u00eb saj nuk qen\u00eb vet\u00ebm viktima t\u00eb persekutimit nazist. Refugjat\u00eb hebrenj, si t\u00eb till\u00ebt sot n\u00eb jugun global, konsideroheshin t\u00eb tep\u00ebrt prej \u00e7dokujt, \u201cb\u00ebrllogu i tok\u00ebs\u201d, si\u00e7 i p\u00ebrshkruante Arthur Koestler dhe miliona t\u00eb tjer\u00eb q\u00eb shkelnin t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat shtigje refugjat\u00ebsh si Arendt-i. Edhe m\u00eb her\u00ebt se t\u00eb b\u00ebhej i qart\u00eb tmerri i plot\u00eb i kampeve t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrimit, Arendt-i kishte pikasur se bota \u201cnuk gjente gj\u00eb t\u00eb shenjt\u00eb n\u00eb lakuriq\u00ebsin\u00eb abstrakte t\u00eb t\u00eb qenit njer\u00ebz\u201d. Ende nuk ka gjetur.<\/p>\n

Kjo nuk ishte vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr shkak se njer\u00ebzit qen\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb joempatik\u00eb dhe t\u00eb ndyr\u00eb si pasoj\u00eb e propagand\u00ebs n\u00eb mas\u00eb, por ishte gjithashtu pasoj\u00eb e organizimit t\u00eb bot\u00ebs sipas kombeve shtete. Kur nj\u00eb person zbohet nga vendi, thoshte ajo, ai p\u00ebrjashtohet prej t\u00eb gjith\u00eb vendeve, \u201cq\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se n\u00eb fakt p\u00ebrjashtohet nga i gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzimi\u201d.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb drejtat e njeriut qen\u00eb t\u00eb pambartshme. Ky ishte lajm i keq ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb e gjenin veten si penges\u00eb p\u00ebr establishmentin e shteteve nacionaliste etnikisht t\u00eb pastra, si\u00e7 ngjau me hebrenjt\u00eb dhe pakicat e tjera, kur Europa u nda n\u00eb kombe shtete t\u00eb reja pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Par\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore. Kjo i ngjau p\u00ebrs\u00ebri palestinez\u00ebve m\u00eb 1948. P\u00ebr Izraelin, Arendt-i qe e brengosur por e kthjell\u00ebt. Si \u201cgati t\u00eb gjitha ngjarjet e tjera t\u00eb shekullit 20,\u201d shkruante ajo, \u201czgjidhja p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen hebreje prodhoi thjesht nj\u00eb kategori tjet\u00ebr refugjat\u00ebsh, arab\u00ebt, duke e rritur k\u00ebshtu numrin e njer\u00ebzve pa shtet\u00ebsi e pa t\u00eb drejta p\u00ebr 700,000 deri n\u00eb 800,000.\u201d<\/p>\n

Vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb organizat\u00eb politike pa nacionaliz\u00ebm, ose e till\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019i tregoj\u00eb vendin nacionalizmit, mund t\u00eb garantoj\u00eb \u201ct\u00eb drejt\u00ebn\u201d q\u00eb secili t\u00eb \u201cket\u00eb t\u00eb drejta\u201d \u2013 t\u00eb flas\u00eb dhe t\u00eb njihet si pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb komuniteti. Pashtet\u00ebsia e saj e m\u00ebsoi se ne krijojm\u00eb njer\u00ebzimin ton\u00eb, s\u00eb bashku, p\u00ebrmes miq\u00ebsis\u00eb, bised\u00ebs, veprimit dhe, mbi t\u00eb gjitha, politik\u00ebs. \u201cNe e humanizojm\u00eb at\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb ngjan n\u00eb bot\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrbrenda nesh vet\u00ebm duke folur p\u00ebr t\u00eb, dhe kur flasim p\u00ebr t\u00eb, m\u00ebsojm\u00eb si t\u00eb jemi njer\u00ebz,\u201d tha m\u00eb von\u00eb.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

Hannah Arendt raportoi p\u00ebr gjykimin e Adolf Eichmann-it p\u00ebr The New Yorker<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ajo e dinte gjithashtu se ishte e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb jesh njeri n\u00eb koh\u00ebra jonjer\u00ebzore dhe me raste edhe e pamundur. Njer\u00ebzve u p\u00eblqen ta v\u00ebn\u00eb gishtin te gabimet e Arendt-it rreth k\u00ebsaj \u00e7\u00ebshtjeje dhe, si\u00e7 ngjan m\u00eb shum\u00eb mendimtare, se\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb e madhe ankesash rreth gabimeve t\u00eb saj kur \u00ebsht\u00eb puna te burrat. \u00cbsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb se t\u00eb dy burrat n\u00eb fjal\u00eb ishin nazist\u00eb: shefi i administrat\u00ebs i vrasjeve n\u00eb mas\u00eb Adolf Eichmann, p\u00ebr gjykimin e t\u00eb cilit n\u00eb Jeruzalem ajo raportori n\u00eb\u00a0The New Yorker<\/em>, q\u00eb nd\u00ebrseu skandal me analiz\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtur t\u00eb banalitetit t\u00eb s\u00eb lig\u00ebs moderne; dhe Heidegger-i, q\u00eb iu bashkua Partis\u00eb Naziste m\u00eb 1933 dhe i cili u b\u00eb, me ndihm\u00ebn e tyre, rektor i Universitetit t\u00eb Frajburgut. Heidegger-i ishte nj\u00eb nazist oportunist, megjithat\u00eb s\u2019kishte dyshim se ishte antisemit. E kuptueshme q\u00eb Arendt-i u revoltua; m\u00eb pak e kuptueshme \u00ebsht\u00eb se m\u00eb von\u00eb ajo ia fali.<\/p>\n

\u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, Heidegger-i t\u00eb cilin Arendt-i do ta linte t\u00eb rikthehej n\u00eb jet\u00ebn e saj, si shum\u00eb burra tjer\u00eb nostaligjik\u00eb p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb ishin dikur, qe nj\u00eb tip narcisisti q\u00eb e quante at\u00eb \u201cdrurin\u201d e tij dhe q\u00eb mitologjizonte t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn e tyre. Magjepsja disi e \u00e7uditshme me lidhjen e tyre ka minimizuar r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnies me bashk\u00ebshortin e saj t\u00eb dyt\u00eb, shum\u00eb t\u00eb men\u00e7urin e t\u00eb dashurin Henrich Blucher. V\u00ebrtet, Blucher-i ishte i dashur edhe p\u00ebr grat\u00eb e tjera, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb shoqet e saj, por edhe k\u00ebtu Arendt-i ishte realiste. Blucher-i kujdesej p\u00ebr presjet e saj dhe gjithnj\u00eb e shihte me admirim. N\u00eb e fali Heidegger-in n\u00eb fund, k\u00ebt\u00eb e b\u00ebri ngase ai kishte nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa ajo p\u00ebr t\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Eichmann, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, dallohej p\u00ebr munges\u00ebn totale t\u00eb vet\u00ebreflektimit kritik. I z\u00ebn\u00eb nga Mossad-i n\u00eb Argjentin\u00eb, nazisti SS i cili udh\u00ebhoqi deportimin e hebrenjve t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs drejt kampeve t\u00eb vdekjes, u gjykua m\u00eb 1961. Arendt-i ishte e vendosur q\u00eb ta shihte k\u00ebt\u00eb \u201cmakth t\u00eb gjall\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb fytyr\u00eb. \u00c7far\u00eb gjeti n\u00eb kabin\u00ebn e qelt\u00eb n\u00eb dhom\u00ebn e gjyqit, qe sall nj\u00eb burr\u00eb i s\u00ebmur\u00eb e i paaft\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebrd\u00eblliste gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pos klisheve. Shum\u00eb e kan\u00eb akuzuar se e kishte kuptuar gabim Eichmann-in. Faktet tregojn\u00eb se ai kishte ditur shum\u00eb mir\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb b\u00ebnte: ai ishte padyshim njeri i keq. Megjithat\u00eb, Arendt-i asnj\u00ebher\u00eb nuk tha q\u00eb Eichmann-i ishte sylesh i pat\u00ebkeq; n\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, ajo tha me ironin\u00eb e saj karakteristike, se ai qe \u201cthjesht\u201d dhe katastrofikisht pa mendim. Ajo \u201cthjesht\u201d i referohet pamendueshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb shkujdesur, jo krimit.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb menduarit, thot\u00eb Arendt-i, \u00ebsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebbisedim dy-n\u00eb-nj\u00eb q\u00eb e b\u00ebjm\u00eb n\u00eb kokat tona gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb koh\u00ebs, dhe askush nuk do t\u00eb dialogoj\u00eb me nj\u00eb vras\u00ebs \u2013 p\u00ebrve\u00e7 njer\u00ebzve si Eichmann-i. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb dometh\u00ebnia e banalitetit t\u00eb s\u00eb lig\u00ebs. \u00cbsht\u00eb kjo pamendueshm\u00ebri q\u00eb t\u00eb lejon t\u00eb mos marr\u00ebsh parasysh pasojat morale t\u00eb asaj \u00e7far\u00eb b\u00ebn kur zbaton nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb ri transporti p\u00ebr fabrikimin e njer\u00ebzve n\u00eb kufoma. Eichmann-i qe nj\u00eb tip i ri krimineli p\u00ebr shekullin 20 \u2013 jo thjesht vras\u00ebs gjenocidal por armik i njer\u00ebzimit meq\u00eb ai nuk mund, dhe nuk do t\u00eb mendonte prej pik\u00ebv\u00ebshtrimit t\u00eb askujt tjet\u00ebr pos vetvetes.<\/p>\n

Nuk ishte dredhia satanike, por pamendueshm\u00ebria e kot\u00eb q\u00eb i d\u00ebnoi aq shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz deri n\u00eb mjerim, vuajtje dhe vdekje. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb Arendt-it iu duk v\u00ebrtet e paprecedent\u00eb n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e saj. Nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri e atomizuar e nxitur nga masmediat, e kombinuar me buroktratizim gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb barok t\u00eb jet\u00ebve tona, e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb mundur k\u00ebt\u00eb. Vazhdon t\u00eb jet\u00eb k\u00ebshtu.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

AfD-ja nuk e ka gabim kur thot\u00eb se pushteti b\u00ebhet i rreziksh\u00ebm kur nuk duket se ka mbetur ndonj\u00eb llogaridh\u00ebnie publike. Por pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb t\u00eb tilla momente, m\u00ebson Arendt-i, na duhet q\u00eb t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb politikisht, q\u00eb t\u00eb rezistojm\u00eb popullizmin: \u201cKur secili spastrohet pa menduar nga ajo \u00e7far\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb e besojn\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, ata q\u00eb mendojn\u00eb shfaqen prej ku jan\u00eb fshehur sepse\u2026 [t\u00eb menduarit] b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb lloj veprimi.\u201d<\/p>\n

Arendt-i i shkroi k\u00ebto fjal\u00eb n\u00eb 1971. Skandali i Letrave t\u00eb Pentagonit shp\u00ebrtheu n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb atij viti. Vitin tjet\u00ebr erdhi Watergate-i, dhe eseja e cila po lexohet nga shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz,\u00a0\u201cT\u00eb g\u00ebnjesh n\u00eb politik\u00eb\u201d [Lying in Politics]<\/em>. Gjithmon\u00eb ka pasur rrena n\u00eb politik\u00eb, shkruante ajo; ajo q\u00eb ishte e re dhe e rrezikshme p\u00ebr republik\u00ebn amerikane nuk ishin rrenat, por situata n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn rrenat jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb padallueshme prej s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs. Pa baz\u00eb arsyetimi, faktet shkap\u00ebrderdhen si murmuritjet e narcisistit t\u00eb fundit, dhe ajo q\u00eb dukej e pamundur \u2013 f\u00ebmij\u00eb n\u00eb kampe, paraburgime t\u00eb gjata, nacionaliz\u00ebm i pagdhendur e i pamend \u2013 b\u00ebhet e mundur s\u00ebrish.<\/p>\n

Si t\u00eb rezistohet? Si t\u00eb vihet t\u00eb menduarit n\u00eb veprim? Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ese e Arendt-it ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb m\u00eb mosd\u00ebgjueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb qytetare. Ajo e fillon me edhe nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pyetje kumbuese:\u00a0\u201cA ka vdekur ligji?<\/em>\u201d Arendt nuk vet\u00ebk\u00ebnaqej me fantazirat p\u00ebr natyr\u00ebn hyjnore t\u00eb ligjit, as p\u00ebr autoritetin e tij moral p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb mir\u00eb. Ligji kishte r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi meq\u00eb qe i vetmi fiksion ekzistencial q\u00eb mb\u00ebrthente politik\u00ebn kushtetuese amerikane. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye mosd\u00ebgjuesm\u00ebria qytetare p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur ligjin duhej t\u00eb ishte akt politik kolektiv: \u00ebsht\u00eb komuniteti politik e jo nd\u00ebrgjegjja e individit q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rrezik. Arendt-i p\u00ebrkrahte l\u00ebvizjet studentore dhe antivietnam t\u00eb viteve 1970 ngaq\u00eb besonte se veprimet e tyre po krijonin di\u00e7ka t\u00eb re \u2013 gjithmon\u00eb kishte koh\u00eb p\u00ebr ata q\u00eb i quante \u201cnjer\u00ebz t\u00eb rinj\u201d \u2013 prej nj\u00eb tradite n\u00eb thelb t\u00eb mir\u00eb politike.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, ajo kuptonte se ligji, si vet\u00eb republika, kishte themelin te dhuna, racizmi dhe pushtimi. Pyetja m\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuese n\u00eb zem\u00ebr t\u00eb eseut vlen edhe sot: pse duhet q\u00eb t\u00eb mbrosh nj\u00eb ligj q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb themeluar mbi baz\u00ebn e p\u00ebrjashtimit t\u00ebnd? M\u00eb gjer\u00ebsisht, \u00e7far\u00eb ndodh n\u00ebse t\u00eb ashtuquajturit njer\u00ebzit e tep\u00ebrt t\u00eb bot\u00ebs \u2013 parit\u00eb, refugjat\u00ebt, emigrant\u00ebt, popujt e zi e t\u00eb kaft\u00eb, njer\u00ebzit pa t\u00eb drejta \u2013 e shnd\u00ebrrojn\u00eb t\u00eb menduarit e tyre n\u00eb veprim politik?<\/p>\n

Arendt-i nuk mundi t\u2019i jap\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje asaj pyetjeje n\u00eb Amerik\u00ebn e fundshekullit 20, ngaq\u00eb nuk mundi ta mendonte politik\u00ebn transformative t\u00eb aktivizmit t\u00eb zezak\u00ebve. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, nuk ishin burrat nazist\u00eb ata q\u00eb i kutpoi gabim, por nj\u00eb grua e re zezake e quajtur Elizabeth Eckford. Eckford ishte vajza q\u00eb u p\u00ebrshkrua duke jet\u00ebsuar t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e saj p\u00ebr arsimim t\u00eb desegreguar mes t\u00eb bardh\u00ebve q\u00eb b\u00ebrtasin\u00a0n\u00eb fotografin\u00eb ikonike t\u00eb vitit 1957\u00a0<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb kapur n\u00eb Lit\u00ebll Rok, Arkanzas.<\/p>\n

Arendt thoshte se Eckford-i nuk duhej t\u00eb bartte t\u00ebr\u00eb at\u00eb barr\u00eb politike n\u00eb at\u00eb mosh\u00eb dhe se arsimimi qe nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje shoq\u00ebrore dhe n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe private. Shkrimtari Ralph Ellison iu p\u00ebrgjigj se t\u00eb gjith\u00eb f\u00ebmij\u00ebt zezak\u00eb n\u00eb jug bartnin barr\u00ebn politike q\u00eb n\u00eb lindje, iu p\u00eblqente apo jo prind\u00ebrve t\u00eb tyre. Arendt-i mbylli goj\u00ebn. Ky qe nj\u00eb prej rasteve t\u00eb pakta ku ajo d\u00ebshtoi s\u00eb gjykuari prej pik\u00ebv\u00ebshtrimit t\u00eb tjetrit.<\/p>\n

Nuk mund t\u00eb dim\u00eb dot se \u00e7\u2019do t\u00eb mendonte p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn sot. Mendoni p\u00ebr vete, do t\u00eb thoshte. Por Arendt-i na la me nj\u00eb porosi t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme: prisni dhe p\u00ebrgatituni p\u00ebr m\u00eb t\u00eb keqen, por mendoni dhe veproni p\u00ebr di\u00e7ka m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb. E pamundura \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e mundur.<\/p>\n

—-<\/p>\n

Lyndsey Stonebridge<\/strong>\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb profesoresh\u00eb e shkencave humane dhe t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut n\u00eb Universitetin e Birmingemit dhe autore e \u201cPopujt pa vend: T\u00eb shkruarit, t\u00eb drejtat, dhe refugjat\u00ebt\u201d (Oxford University Press).<\/em><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrktheu:\u00a0Bardhi Bakija<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb\u00a0The New Statesman E formuar gjat\u00eb persekutimin nazist, filozofia politike e Arendt-it po rigjall\u00ebrohet n\u00eb koh\u00ebt tona t\u00eb turbullta. Kur n\u00eb maj t\u00eb vitit 1940 Hannah Arendt u d\u00ebrgua n\u00eb kampin e p\u00ebrqendrimit n\u00eb Gurs, n\u00eb jugper\u00ebndim t\u00eb Franc\u00ebs, ajo b\u00ebri m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebn \u00e7\u2019mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet kur kurthohesh n\u00eb nj\u00eb makth t\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":161,"featured_media":9198,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[],"ppma_author":[190],"class_list":["post-5533","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize"],"authors":[{"term_id":190,"user_id":161,"is_guest":0,"slug":"lyndsey-stonebridge","display_name":"Lyndsey Stonebridge","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-20-1.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-20-1.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Stonebridge","first_name":"Lyndsey","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5533","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/161"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5533"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5533\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9199,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5533\/revisions\/9199"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9198"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5533"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5533"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5533"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5533"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}