{"id":5537,"date":"2020-08-03T13:43:39","date_gmt":"2020-08-03T11:43:39","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5537"},"modified":"2024-10-24T13:44:50","modified_gmt":"2024-10-24T11:44:50","slug":"opsionet-e-kompromisit-me-serbine-nga-perspektiva-e-kosoves","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/opinion\/opsionet-e-kompromisit-me-serbine-nga-perspektiva-e-kosoves\/","title":{"rendered":"Opsionet e kompromisit me Serbin\u00eb nga perspektiva e Kosov\u00ebs"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Nd\u00ebrsa hyjm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb t\u00eb padefinuar t\u00eb dialogut me Serbin\u00eb p\u00ebr normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve, opsionet e kompromisit nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi i Kosov\u00ebs jan\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira. \u00cbsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se ka nj\u00eb vullnet t\u00eb ri nga ana e Bashkimit Evropian, drejtuar kryesisht nga Gjermania, p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse midis pal\u00ebve. Ajo q\u00eb mbetet e paqart\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb, se sa n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse dhe p\u00ebrfundimtare kjo marr\u00ebveshje. Shqet\u00ebsimi kryesor \u00ebsht\u00eb definimi i zgjidhjes s\u00eb kompromisit? Ky artikull diskuton shkurtimisht dy nga opsionet kryesore q\u00eb jan\u00eb p\u00ebrfolur.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb nga zgjidhjet e kompromisit q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb diskutuar shum\u00eb ishte opsioni i korrigjimit t\u00eb kufijve. Mbetet e paqart\u00eb n\u00ebse ky ishte n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb nj\u00eb opsion, dhe nuk ka konfirmime zyrtare p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb, p\u00ebrkundrazi, kemi mohime zyrtare q\u00eb kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb diskutuar si zgjidhje. Sidoqoft\u00eb, p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb argumentit, le t\u00eb shqyrtojm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb mund\u00ebsi. Bazuar n\u00eb ato q\u00eb kemi d\u00ebgjuar, korrigjimi i kufijve do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshinte nj\u00eb lloj shk\u00ebmbimi territoresh mbi baza etnike midis Serbis\u00eb dhe Kosov\u00ebs. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb skenar, thashethemet ishin q\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e Preshev\u00ebs dhe Bujanocit si dhe fshatra t\u00eb tjera kryesisht t\u00eb banuar me shqiptar\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb zon\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebheshin pjes\u00eb e Kosov\u00ebs. Autostrada q\u00eb kalon kah Presheva u p\u00ebrfol se do t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorej p\u00ebr demarkacionin e vij\u00ebs s\u00eb re t\u00eb kufirit. Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, t\u00eb tri komunat n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e Mitrovic\u00ebs do t\u00eb bashkoheshin me Serbin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ky skenar duket se ka qen\u00eb opsioni i preferuar edhe p\u00ebr presidentin serb Vu\u00e7iq dhe mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr ta nxitur at\u00eb t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruaj\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje, ku Kosova do t\u00eb njihej si shtet. Kjo pasi do t’i mund\u00ebsonte atij t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb parad\u00eb nacionaliste me marr\u00ebveshjen, sepse do t\u00eb arrinte t\u00eb \u201crikthej\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb Serbi nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Atmosfera e lart\u00eb e nacionaliste, kombinuar me racizmin, mbase do t\u00eb kishte pranuar me k\u00ebnaq\u00ebsi t\u00eb shk\u00ebmbej\u00eb disa fshatra shqiptare p\u00ebr nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Serbia gjithashtu do t\u00eb kishte vendosur nj\u00eb precedent t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm, sidomos p\u00ebr t’u p\u00ebrdorur n\u00eb ndonj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje potenciale p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e Bosnj\u00ebs, n\u00eb lidhje me Republik\u00ebn Srpska n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen. P\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket objektivave t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme, ky skenar do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb fitore p\u00ebr pozicionin e Serbis\u00eb, i cili tani \u00ebsht\u00eb normalizuar: q\u00eb ajo duhet t\u00eb marr\u00eb di\u00e7ka n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb nj\u00eb hap vendimtar me Kosov\u00ebn. Gjithashtu, Serbia do t\u00eb kishte zgjidhur \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e saj “shqiptare”, duke hequr k\u00ebt\u00eb komb\u00ebsi nga lista e saj e grupeve minoritare q\u00eb jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb vend.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, ky opsion \u00ebsht\u00eb refuzuar kategorikisht si dhe me tone t\u00eb ashpra, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht nga Gjermania, nga frika e pasojave p\u00ebr kontekstin m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, sidomos n\u00eb raport me Bosnj\u00ebn, dhe q\u00eb kjo zgjidhje do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundonte n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb efektive modelin liberal-demokratik p\u00ebr rajonin bazuar n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri multietnike.<\/p>\n

Gjermania tani, s\u00eb bashku me Franc\u00ebn, kan\u00eb marr\u00eb drejtimin p\u00ebr nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb re n\u00eb dialogun midis Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb. N\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me rrethanat, ne kemi syt\u00eb kah k\u00ebto dy shtete, p\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00eb se cila do t\u00eb jet\u00eb zgjidhja e kompromisit q\u00eb ata do t\u00eb shtyjn\u00eb. Bazuar n\u00eb ato q\u00eb kemi d\u00ebgjuar, kjo do t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendrohet n\u00eb ripaketimin e propozimit p\u00ebr Asociacionin e Komunave me shumic\u00eb Serbe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. M\u00eb konkretisht, ky opsioni mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb kompetenca ekzekutive dhe nj\u00eb lloj statusi t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb, autonomi funksionale, p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebn veriore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. P\u00ebr ta zbatuar k\u00ebt\u00eb n\u00eb praktik\u00eb, Kosov\u00ebs do t’i k\u00ebrkohet t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebn, sepse nuk ka m\u00eb kompetenca ekzekutive q\u00eb mund t\u00eb transferohen n\u00eb nj\u00eb institucion komunal e q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb tashm\u00eb n\u00eb Ligjin p\u00ebr Vet\u00ebqeverisjen Lokale n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Me selin\u00eb e mundshme n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn veriore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, shqet\u00ebsimi \u00ebsht\u00eb se asociacioni i komunave serbe do t\u00eb marr\u00eb rolin e nj\u00eb qeverie p\u00ebr serb\u00ebt n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb shtes\u00eb p\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb dhe institucionet qendrore. Kjo nuk do t\u00eb ndihmoj\u00eb n\u00eb krijimin e nj\u00eb kohezioni m\u00eb t\u00eb madh politik p\u00ebr shtetin e Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb mesin e komunitetit serb. Mir\u00ebpo deri tani askush n\u00eb BE duket se nuk e mb\u00ebshtet iden\u00eb e nj\u00eb rregullimi t\u00eb ri kushtetues n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb riorganizuar formul\u00ebn e ndarjes s\u00eb pushteteve n\u00eb favor t\u00eb krijimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb niveli t\u00eb ri t\u00eb pushtetit p\u00ebr asociacionin e komunave me shumic\u00eb serbe.<\/p>\n

Nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi i Kosov\u00ebs, kjo zgjidhje kompromisi \u00ebsht\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuese sepse ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me krijimin e kushteve q\u00eb veriu i Kosov\u00ebs ti bashkohet me Serbin\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen e af\u00ebrt. N\u00ebse ky opsion do t\u00eb jet\u00eb zgjidhja e kompromisit, \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore q\u00eb Kosova t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb dy gj\u00ebra: s\u00eb pari, q\u00eb ekzistojn\u00eb garanci nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare q\u00eb veriu t\u00eb mos bashkohet me Serbin\u00eb dhe dy, n\u00eb procesin e ndryshimit t\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb akomoduar krijimin e asociacionit, duhet t\u00eb rishikohet parimi i shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb dyfisht\u00eb n\u00eb procedurat e votimit n\u00eb Kuvendin e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Bashkimi Evropian duket se synon njohjen e plot\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs nga Serbia me k\u00ebt\u00eb opsion si nj\u00eb zgjidhje kompromisi, por ka shum\u00eb t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb rregull edhe me at\u00eb q\u00eb Serbia vet\u00ebm t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb realitetin se Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb shtet. Mir\u00ebpo, kjo do t’i lejonte Serbis\u00eb t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb besoj\u00eb se \u00e7\u00ebshtja e Kosov\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjidhur plot\u00ebsisht. Nj\u00eb shpres\u00eb k\u00ebtu \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00ebndrimi i BE-s\u00eb q\u00eb: asgj\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb dakorduar derisa t\u00eb bihet dakord me gjith\u00e7ka. Edhe pse kjo mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb kurth p\u00ebr nj\u00eb proces t\u00eb zgjatur. Ajo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb theksohet dhe pozitive \u00ebsht\u00eb se Gjermania duket se tani \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e investuar n\u00eb sigurimin e nj\u00eb zgjidhjeje dhe gjithashtu e sheh q\u00eb afati kohor \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsor.<\/p>\n

Megjith\u00ebk\u00ebt\u00eb nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi i Kosov\u00ebs, p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb BE-ja nuk mund t\u00eb pajtohet t\u00eb vendos\u00eb p\u00ebr liberalizimin e vizave, kjo krijon skepticiz\u00ebm n\u00ebse mund t\u00eb mbledh\u00eb kapitalin e k\u00ebrkuar politik dhe t\u00eb ket\u00eb kohezionin e nevojsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00eb dialogun t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb sjell t\u00eb dy vendet m\u00eb af\u00ebr nj\u00ebra tjetr\u00ebs dhe Bashkimit Evropian. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, shqet\u00ebsimet q\u00eb vijn\u00eb nga Kosova p\u00ebr dialogun nd\u00ebrsa mund t\u00eb shihen n\u00eb BE si ankesa t\u00eb vazhdueshme, n\u00eb thelb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb me nj\u00eb skepticiz\u00ebm t\u00eb sh\u00ebndetsh\u00ebm bazuar n\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Nd\u00ebrsa hyjm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb faz\u00eb t\u00eb padefinuar t\u00eb dialogut me Serbin\u00eb p\u00ebr normalizimin e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve, opsionet e kompromisit nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi i Kosov\u00ebs jan\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira. \u00cbsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se ka nj\u00eb vullnet t\u00eb ri nga ana e Bashkimit Evropian, drejtuar kryesisht nga Gjermania, p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse midis pal\u00ebve. Ajo q\u00eb mbetet e […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":164,"featured_media":8955,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[1535,11,12],"ppma_author":[193],"class_list":["post-5537","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-kompromis","tag-kosova","tag-serbia"],"authors":[{"term_id":193,"user_id":164,"is_guest":0,"slug":"ramadan-ilazi","display_name":"Ramadan Ilazi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-2-9.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-2-9.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Ilazi","first_name":"Ramadan","description":"Kandidat p\u00ebr PhD p\u00ebr Politik\u00eb dhe Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Universitetin e Qytetit t\u00eb Dablinit (DCU) dhe studiues i lart\u00eb n\u00eb Qendr\u00ebn Kosovare P\u00ebr Studime t\u00eb Siguris\u00eb (KCSS)"}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5537","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/164"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5537"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5537\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9092,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5537\/revisions\/9092"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8955"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5537"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5537"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5537"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5537"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}