{"id":5545,"date":"2019-04-15T15:06:59","date_gmt":"2019-04-15T13:06:59","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5545"},"modified":"2024-11-20T16:21:38","modified_gmt":"2024-11-20T14:21:38","slug":"nen-asfalt-shtrihet-plazhi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/nen-asfalt-shtrihet-plazhi\/","title":{"rendered":"N\u00ebn asfalt shtrihet plazhi"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Artikulli original n\u00eb\u00a0Boston Review<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Mendime p\u00ebr trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb e Shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Frankfurtit<\/em><\/p>\n

Maji i vitit 1968 sh\u00ebnoi zgjimin politik t\u00eb brezit tim. At\u00ebbot\u00eb, si studente e vitit t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb Kolegjin Amerikan p\u00ebr Vajza n\u00eb Stamboll dhe si grua e re hebreje n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri me shumic\u00eb myslimane, ndjeja er\u00ebrat revolucionare edhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb antiamerikanizmit q\u00eb erdhi si rezultat i Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Vjetnamit. Fotografi t\u00eb sulmeve me bomba namapal mbi f\u00ebmij\u00eb e t\u00eb rritur vjetnamez\u00eb qarkullonin mes nesh gjat\u00eb drek\u00ebs. Dhe kur Flota e Gjasht\u00eb e Marin\u00ebs Amerikane paralajm\u00ebroi vizit\u00eb n\u00eb Stamboll, dhe shum\u00eb shok\u00eb, t\u00eb af\u00ebrm, e t\u00eb tjer\u00eb u rrah\u00ebn nga policia, zhg\u00ebnjimi yn\u00eb politik dhe kund\u00ebrshtia ndaj politikave amerikane u rrit.<\/p>\n

Duke jetuar n\u00eb Stamboll, e dinim se bota e gj\u00ebr\u00eb politike ishte n\u00eb flak\u00eb. Tanket sovjetike shtyp\u00ebn l\u00ebvizjen p\u00ebr reforma t\u00eb Prag\u00ebs n\u00ebn Alexander Dubcek-un dhe eskperimentin e \u201csocializmit me fytyr\u00eb njer\u00ebzore\u201d. Student\u00ebt vun\u00eb barikada n\u00eb Paris dhe u konfrontuan me policin\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrsa l\u00ebvizjet kund\u00ebrkulturore n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara sfiduan p\u00ebrkushtimet e mir\u00ebsjelljes borgjeze. Konflikti i vazhduezh\u00ebm izraelito-palestinez qe shkat\u00ebrrimtar p\u00ebr mua: druaja p\u00ebr vazhdimin e ekzistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb Izraelit pas luft\u00ebs s\u00eb vitit 1967, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb ndjeja indinjat\u00eb morale dhe dhimbje p\u00ebr shtypjen dhe pushtimin e arab\u00ebve palestinez\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Maji i vitit 1968 pa revolt\u00ebn ton\u00eb kund\u00ebr konformizmit shtyp\u00ebs t\u00eb Pax Americana t\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs. Shpresuam n\u00eb \u00e7lirimin nga fryma e konsumerizmit, zinxhir\u00ebt e patriarkis\u00eb, familjes borgjeze, nacionalizmit, militarizmit, dhe shum\u00eb\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr. S\u2019ka tradit\u00eb teorike q\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb kapur m\u00eb mir\u00eb aspiratat q\u00eb ndaja me shum\u00eb bashk\u00ebkoh\u00ebs, se sa teoria kritike e Shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Frankfurtit. Udh\u00ebtimi im intelektual prej Stambollit n\u00eb Frankfurt filloi me\u00a0Njeriun Nj\u00ebdimensional<\/em>\u00a0[One-Dimensional Man]<\/em>\u00a0(1964) t\u00eb Herbert Marcuse-s, t\u00eb cilin e lexova n\u00eb at\u00eb pranver\u00eb vendimtare.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebtij projekti politik dhe teorik qe transformimi i konceptit t\u00eb kritik\u00ebs. Shkolla e Frankfurtit kompletoi nj\u00eb revolucion epistemik dhe ontologjik q\u00eb kishte filluar me Immanuel Kant-in. Detyra e \u201ckritik\u00ebs s\u00eb arsyes s\u00eb kulluar\u201d t\u00eb Kantit ishte q\u00eb t\u00eb kufizonte pretendimet teorike t\u00eb arsyes, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebnte vend p\u00ebr besimin q\u00eb do t\u00eb mb\u00ebshteste lirin\u00eb dhe moralitetin. Kant-i argumentonte se kurr\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb vendosim me siguri teorike se kemi vullnet t\u00eb lir\u00eb; as nuk mund t\u00eb d\u00ebshmohet e kund\u00ebrta e k\u00ebtij pohimi. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb mbetet e hapur p\u00ebr ne q\u00eb t\u00eb veprojm\u00eb me besim praktik se jemi t\u00eb lir\u00eb: se mund t\u00eb shtyhemi nga arsyet, t\u00eb pohojm\u00eb autonomin\u00eb ton\u00eb, dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushim k\u00ebrkesat e moralitetit. Kritika p\u00ebr Kant-in \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb autonomis\u00eb: vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb ushtrim kritik i arsyes mund t\u00eb na shp\u00ebtoj\u00eb nga tutela e vet\u00ebshkaktuar ndaj besimeve t\u00eb rreme n\u00eb autoritet, fe dhe tradit\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb esen\u00eb e vitit 1937,\u00a0\u201cTeoria Tradicionale dhe Kritike,\u201d<\/em>\u00a0Max Horkheimer-i ofroi nj\u00eb deklarat\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht bind\u00ebse t\u00eb konceptimit paskantian t\u00eb kritik\u00ebs t\u00eb Shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Frankfurtit. Duke ndjekur G.W.F. Hegel-in dhe marksistin e shk\u00eblqyer hungarez Georg Lukacs-in, Horkheimer-i mbrojti nj\u00eb program p\u00ebr mendim kritik q\u00eb shkon p\u00ebrtej konceptit t\u00eb liris\u00eb t\u00eb Kant-it. Lukacs-i kishte argumentuar se pik\u00ebpamjet e Kant-it p\u00ebr lirin\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb kufizuara, ngaq\u00eb atij i mungonte koncepti i\u00a0praxis<\/em>\u00a0\u2013 nj\u00eb agjencie njer\u00ebzore t\u00eb rr\u00ebnjosur historikisht dhe socialisht. Nuk jemi vet\u00ebm subjekte me liri morale, por subjekte historike q\u00eb shprehim lirit\u00eb tona duke transformuar bot\u00ebn e jashtme p\u00ebrmes formave t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb aktivitetit njer\u00ebzor individual e kolektiv \u2013 p\u00ebrfshi pun\u00ebn, kultur\u00ebn, fen\u00eb, artin, dhe institucionet politike.<\/p>\n

Arritja e shquar e Horkheimer-it te\u00a0\u201cTeoria Tradicionale dhe Kritike\u201d<\/em>\u00a0q\u00ebndron te zhvillimi i k\u00ebsaj filozofie t\u00eb praks\u00ebs n\u00eb kritik\u00eb t\u00eb epistemologjis\u00eb s\u00eb bashk\u00ebkoh\u00ebsve t\u00eb tij \u2013 si shkencave shoq\u00ebrore pozitiviste ashtu edhe fenomenlogjis\u00eb s\u00eb Edmund Husserl-it. Horkheimer-i v\u00eb hulumtimin kritik s\u00ebrish n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb autonomis\u00eb dhe emancipimit. Njohja emancipuese, argumentonte, mund\u00ebson \u00e7mistifikimin e objektivitetit t\u00eb supozuar t\u00eb bot\u00ebs shoq\u00ebrore, dhe mbi t\u00eb gjitha, t\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebve \u201cligje\u201d t\u00eb kapitalizmit. Duke zbuluar se bota e fakteve shoq\u00ebrore nuk qeveriset nga ligjet natyrore por\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb fakt mbetje historike e pun\u00ebs<\/em>\u00a0s\u00eb vet\u00eb qenieve njer\u00ebzore, do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundur t\u2019i jepet fund tjet\u00ebrsimit dhe skllav\u00ebrimit ndaj nj\u00eb realiteti shoq\u00ebror q\u00eb mbizot\u00ebron njer\u00ebzit.<\/p>\n

Ambicia e mahnitshme e Horkheimer-it qe q\u00eb t\u00eb transformonte tradit\u00ebn e idealizmit gjerman n\u00eb nj\u00eb teori kritike t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. Por ky program kishte pushuar s\u00eb binduri, madje edhe gjat\u00eb jet\u00ebs s\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb hersh\u00ebm t\u00eb Shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Frankfurtit. Ndryshe prej Marksit t\u00eb ri dhe Lukacs-it, Shkolla e Frankfurtit nuk shihte dot ndonj\u00eb subjekt historik revolucionar q\u00eb do t\u2019i jepte fund tjet\u00ebrsimit t\u00eb bot\u00ebs dhe dominimit shoq\u00ebror. Derisa Theodor Adorno-ja dhe Horkheimer-i p\u00ebrmblodh\u00ebn\u00a0Dialektik\u00ebn e Iluminizmit [Dialectic of Enlightenment]\u00a0<\/em>n\u00eb azil n\u00eb Kaliforni n\u00eb vitet 1940, programi i filozofis\u00eb emancipuese t\u00eb praks\u00ebs ishte p\u00ebrmbysur n\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt\u00ebn e saj. Zot\u00ebrimi njer\u00ebzor mbi natyr\u00ebn erdhi me \u00e7mimin e shtypjes s\u00eb brendshme; qytet\u00ebrimi nuk qe proces i humanizimit por nj\u00eb zhvillim i err\u00ebt i t\u00eb shtypurit dhe disiplinuarit t\u00eb psik\u00ebs q\u00eb pastaj do t\u00eb manifestohej n\u00eb shp\u00ebrthime t\u00eb agresionit t\u00eb dhunsh\u00ebm kundrejt \u201ct\u00eb tjer\u00ebve\u201d q\u00eb po e kanosin integritetin tashm\u00eb t\u00eb brisht\u00eb t\u00eb vetes s\u00eb qytet\u00ebruar. N\u00eb nj\u00eb prej \u201cSh\u00ebnimeve\u201d shtojca t\u00eb tekstit t\u00eb quajtur\u00a0\u201cR\u00ebnd\u00ebsia e Trupit,\u201d<\/em>\u00a0Adorno dhe Horkheimer shkruajn\u00eb: \u201cEuropa ka dy histori: historin\u00eb e shkruar e t\u00eb mir\u00ebnjohur dhe historin\u00eb e n\u00ebntok\u00ebs. Kjo e fundit p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet nga fatet e instinkteve dhe pasioneve njer\u00ebzore q\u00eb jan\u00eb zhvendosur dhe shtremb\u00ebruar nga qytet\u00ebrimi.\u201d<\/p>\n

Dialektika e Iluminizmit<\/em>\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb tekst ur\u00eblidh\u00ebs me nj\u00eb konceptim m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb teoris\u00eb kritike \u2013 t\u00eb njohjes kund\u00ebrshtuese dhe emancipuese \u2013 q\u00eb u shfaq n\u00eb dekadat e fundit t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb nj\u00ebzet\u00eb. Edhe pse Michel Foucault u mahit se kurr\u00eb nuk e kishte lexuar\u00a0Dialektik\u00ebn e Iluminizmit\u00a0<\/em>(t\u00eb botuar m\u00eb 1944), vepra e tij z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoi subjektin\u00a0kreativ<\/em>\u00a0q\u00eb Horkheimer-i e mori nga Hegeli, Marksi dhe Lukacsi me nj\u00eb teori rreth asaj se si krijohet subjektiviteti. Historia nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb regjistrim i veprave t\u00eb nj\u00eb subjekti kolektiv a t\u00eb p\u00ebrve\u00e7em, thoshte ai; p\u00ebrkundrazi, ajo formohet nga nj\u00eb seri e\u00a0epistemeve<\/em>\u00a0\u00ad\u2013 konfigurimeve t\u00eb pushtetit-dijes \u2013 ku secila i jep form\u00eb konceptimeve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb dijes dhe veprimit. N\u00eb esen\u00eb\u00a0\u201cNietzsche, Gjenealogjia, Historia,\u201d<\/em>\u00a0Foucault shpjegon se p\u00ebrderisa\u00a0arkeologjia<\/em>\u00a0g\u00ebrmon n\u00eb shtresat e asaj \u00e7far\u00eb shfaqet n\u00eb t\u00eb tashmen,\u00a0gjenealogjia<\/em>\u00a0k\u00ebrkon \u00e7arjet dhe zhvendosjet mes burimit dhe fenomenit. Gjenealogjia k\u00ebrkon shfaqjen\u00a0(Herkunft)<\/em>, por shfaqje nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb evolucion i thjesht\u00eb prej nj\u00eb zanafille t\u00eb njohur\u00a0(Ursprung)<\/em>. Si\u00e7 nuk ka narrativ\u00eb t\u00eb vazhdueshme q\u00eb mund t\u00eb tregohet nga nj\u00eb subjekt i unifikuar kolektiv q\u00eb shpaloset n\u00eb histori, ashtu edhe gjenealogjia nuk gjurmon nj\u00eb vij\u00eb t\u00eb pand\u00ebrprer\u00eb t\u00eb zhvillimit nga e kaluara n\u00eb t\u00eb tashm\u00ebn, duke ofruar nj\u00eb narrativ\u00eb t\u00eb dijes s\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsuar dhe progresit moral. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, shoq\u00ebria p\u00ebrb\u00ebhet nga seri t\u00eb pavazhdueshme dhe fragmentare t\u00eb konfigurimeve pushtet-dije, plot me zhvendosje e fshirje. Dija nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7 emancipuese por edhe disiplinare; pushtetit mund t\u2019i b\u00ebhet ball\u00eb vet\u00ebm me pushtet. \u201c\u2019Iluminizmi\u2019, i cili zbuloi lirit\u00eb, shpiku poashtu edhe disiplinat,\u201d shkruan te\u00a0Disiplina dhe Nd\u00ebshkimi (Discipline and Punish)<\/em>\u00a0(1975).<\/p>\n

Se\u00e7 ka nj\u00eb afinitet t\u00eb natyrsh\u00ebm mes kund\u00ebrnarrativ\u00ebs s\u00eb Iluminizmit s\u00eb Foucault-s\u00eb dhe postkolonializmit bashk\u00ebkohor dhe teoris\u00eb kritike s\u00eb rac\u00ebs. T\u00eb dyja na shtyjn\u00eb t\u00eb marrim parasysh procesin e modernizimit europian si nga periferia ashtu edhe nga qendra. N\u00eb rastin m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb, teoria postkoloniale e ngat\u00ebrron fare dallimin qend\u00ebr-periferi. Kund\u00ebrth\u00ebniet e Iluminizmit erdh\u00ebn n\u00eb pah kur, gjat\u00eb procesit t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb republikave t\u00eb tyre, fuqit\u00eb europiane \u2013 britanik\u00ebt, francez\u00ebt, spanjoll\u00ebt, holandez\u00ebt, dhe pak me von\u00eb gjerman\u00ebt e italian\u00ebt \u2013 nd\u00ebrtuan perandorit\u00eb e tyre dhe u ballafuquan me dallime radikale t\u00eb rac\u00ebs, ngjyr\u00ebs dhe kultur\u00ebs. Imperializmi qet n\u00eb drit\u00eb kufijt e universalizmit t\u00eb Iluminizmit. Sipas Dipesh Chakrabarty-t, Europa \u201ckishte nevoja t\u00eb provincializohej\u201d n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb konceptohej nj\u00eb universaliz\u00ebm i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb ng\u00ebrthente n\u00eb vete t\u00eb gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzimin e jo vet\u00ebm burrat e bardh\u00eb t\u00eb krishter\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Teoria postkoloniale ka poashtu af\u00ebrsi me nj\u00ebr\u00ebn prej teorieve kritike m\u00eb me ndikim t\u00eb periudh\u00ebs pas Shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Frankfurtit, metod\u00ebn e \u201cdekonstruktimit\u201d t\u00eb Jacques Derrida-s\u00eb. Derrida shnd\u00ebrron \u201ckritik\u00ebn imanente\u201d hegeliane n\u00eb nd\u00ebrveprimin mes tekstit dhe t\u00eb jashtm\u00ebn p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebse t\u00eb tij. Kritika imanente shpaloset p\u00ebrmes kund\u00ebrth\u00ebnieve m\u00eb t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebrballen teksa synonj\u00eb t\u00eb kuptojn\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn s\u2019mund ta kapin me p\u00ebrsosm\u00ebri; kjo dialektik\u00eb e mendimit mund t\u00eb sheshohet vet\u00ebm at\u00ebher\u00eb kur, si\u00e7 ia merrte mendja Hegelit se do t\u00eb ndodhte n\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb jete plot\u00ebsisht racionale, mendimi dhe aktualiteti pajtohen. Ideja se gjithmon\u00eb ka di\u00e7ka m\u00eb\u00a0shum\u00eb se \u00e7<\/em>\u2019mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrftojm\u00eb n\u00eb mendim, shnd\u00ebrrohet nga Derrida n\u00eb m\u00ebsim p\u00ebr dhe rreth teksteve. Derrida tregon se heshtjet dhe gul\u00e7imat jan\u00eb tregues t\u00eb subjektivitetit t\u00eb shtypur t\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve q\u00eb nuk i ndahen fusnotave, shtojcave, dhe an\u00ebshkrimeve. Dekonstruktimi pra ka nj\u00eb thelb etik: nxjerrja n\u00eb shesh e an\u00ebshkrimeve t\u00eb tekstit b\u00ebhet projekt i t\u00eb kritikuarit t\u00eb \u201cracionalitetit per\u00ebndimor fallogocentrik.\u201d<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrve\u00e7 gjenealogjis\u00eb fukodiane, teoris\u00eb postokoloniale dhe dekonstruktimit, teoria feministe bashk\u00ebkohore \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb form\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme e kritik\u00ebs. Ngjash\u00ebm me k\u00ebto qasjet tjera, teoria feministe synon \u00e7mistifikimin e antropologjis\u00eb mashkullore prometeane q\u00eb udh\u00ebzon modelin e transformimit q\u00eb njer\u00ebzimi i b\u00ebn natyr\u00ebs p\u00ebrmes praks\u00ebs. Modeli i n\u00ebnkuptuar prapa praks\u00ebs ka qen\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb ai i pun\u00ebs fizike si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuarit, t\u00eb konstruktuarit, ose\u00a0t\u00eb krijuarit<\/em>\u00a0gj\u00ebra n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi. Puna amvisnore e grave, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb poashtu nj\u00eb form\u00eb e pun\u00ebs fizike q\u00eb mban t\u00eb gjall\u00eb, ndreq dhe mb\u00ebshtet bot\u00ebn e p\u00ebrditshme \u2013 ashtu si edhe puna e t\u00eb lindurit e t\u00eb rriturit f\u00ebmij\u00eb dhe mbajtja gjall\u00eb e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve intime \u2013 nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb marr\u00eb parasysh. Teoria feministe k\u00ebrkon rishikimin e antropologjis\u00eb filozofike marksiste s\u00eb pun\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Komentet e mia t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebra mbi teorit\u00eb kritike bashk\u00ebkohore t\u00eb periudh\u00ebs pas Shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Frankfurtit kan\u00eb p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim sa p\u00ebr t\u00eb propozuar se ato mund t\u00eb shihen si riartikulime te k\u00ebnaqshme t\u00eb nj\u00eb projekti t\u00eb kritik\u00ebs t\u00eb nisur nga Kanti e t\u00eb ripozicionuar nga Shkolla e Frankfurtit. Kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb strategji aq e p\u00ebrhapur p\u00ebr leximin e pluralitetit grindavec t\u00eb qasjeve q\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb veten n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn mes teoris\u00eb kritike s\u00eb Shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Frankfurtit, gjenealogjis\u00eb fukodiane dhe dekonstruktimit derridian. As nuk dua t\u00eb them se ky pluralitet grindavec e rivalizues mund t\u00eb mos merret parasysh. Kam qen\u00eb edhe vet e p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb shum\u00eb debate grindavece me koleg\u00eb. Ajo q\u00eb dua t\u00eb them \u00ebsht\u00eb se duhet t\u00eb pranojm\u00eb\u00a0polarizimin legjitim e ndri\u00e7ues t\u00eb teorive kritike.<\/em>\u00a0Projekti i emancipimit n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb globalizuar \u2013 t\u00eb till\u00eb ku shum\u00eb qytet\u00ebrime e jet\u00eb-bot\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme ballafaqohen n\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi me nj\u00ebra tjetr\u00ebn, ku subjektivitete t\u00eb reja t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuara nga grat\u00eb, gjinia dhe pakicat seksuale dhe grupet etnike e racore po shprehen p\u00ebrmes narrativave garuese \u2013 nuk mund t\u00eb mos merren parasysh m\u00ebsimet e gjenealogjis\u00eb, postkolonializmit, dhe teoris\u00eb feministe, apo mos t\u00eb p\u00ebrfillet dometh\u00ebnia etike e dekonstruktimit.<\/p>\n

Prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, asnj\u00ebra prej k\u00ebtyre qasjeve nuk arrin t\u00eb p\u00ebrcjell trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb teoris\u00eb kritike sociale t\u00eb cil\u00ebn e identifikoi Horkheimer-i: teoria kritike e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb zhvillon nj\u00eb gjykim ekzistencial t\u00eb \u201cnj\u00eb periudhe t\u00eb cil\u00ebs po i vjen fundi.\u201d Teoria kritike duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb gjithashtu teori krizash. Riv\u00ebndosja e k\u00ebsaj lidhjeje mes kritik\u00ebs dhe kriz\u00ebs n\u00eb teorin\u00eb e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb prej shum\u00eb kontributeve jet\u00ebgjata t\u00eb Jurgen Habermas-it.<\/p>\n

Te Kriza e Legjitimitetit [The Legitimation Crisis]<\/em>\u00a0(1973) Habermas-i argumenton se n\u00eb domenin ekonomis\u00eb dhe administrat\u00ebs, kriz\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb mosfunksionime, bllokada, r\u00ebnie t\u00eb papritura ekonomike, si dhe paaft\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb parashikuar dhe kontrolluar pasojat e paparamenduara t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs dhe agjencive publike e private. Megjithat\u00eb, krizat q\u00eb transformojn\u00eb shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb di\u00e7ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb: nj\u00eb rr\u00ebmuj\u00eb n\u00eb aspektin e kuptim\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, n\u00eb aft\u00ebsin\u00eb ton\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb komunikuar dhe nd\u00ebrvepruar pa shtremb\u00ebrime, n\u00eb zot\u00ebsin\u00eb ton\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb projektuar forma t\u00eb ardhme t\u00eb jet\u00ebs s\u00eb mir\u00eb dhe solidaritetit. L\u00ebvizjet transformative shoq\u00ebrore dhe politike shfaqen \u2013 po u shfaqen fare \u2013 si p\u00ebrgjigje ndaj frustrimeve dhe keqfunksionimeve t\u00eb jet\u00eb-bot\u00ebs ton\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore\u00a0(Lebenswelt)<\/em>, jo thjesht si p\u00ebrgjigje ndaj keqfunksionimit ekonomik apo d\u00ebshtimeve t\u00eb administrat\u00ebs private e publike. Kriza e legjitimitetit do t\u00eb zhvillohej, thot\u00eb Habermas-i, kur d\u00ebshtimet n\u00eb zgjidhjen e problemeve praktike \u2013 krizat ekonomike dhe paaft\u00ebsia e shtetit p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar pun\u00ebsim, strehim, sh\u00ebndet\u00ebsi, dhe arsimim p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb (nd\u00ebrsa sot k\u00ebsaj do t\u2019i shtonim edhe ambientin e q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm dhe prezervimin e habitatit tok\u00ebsor) \u2013 nuk mund t\u00eb shpjegoh\u00ebn dot nga kultura e t\u00ebrheqjes n\u00eb privacin\u00eb e familjes, dhe moskok\u00eb\u00e7arjes ndaj t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve dhe munges\u00ebs s\u00eb solidaritetit me ta. Kriza e legjitimimit, e till\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb \u00e7onte drejt l\u00ebvizjeve kund\u00ebrshtuese, k\u00ebrkonte si \u00e7magjepsje radikale me vlerat e disponueshme kulturore ashtu dhe \u00e7mistifikimin e ideologjive publike t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrive kapitaliste.<\/p>\n

Teoria e t\u00eb vepruarit komunikativ e Habermas-it dhe krizat e sistemit t\u00eb jet\u00eb-bot\u00ebs q\u00eb zhvilloi, p\u00ebrfytyrojn\u00eb pluralizimin e subjektiviteteve kund\u00ebrshtuese dhe i japin lamtumir\u00eb mitit t\u00eb klas\u00ebs pun\u00ebtore t\u00eb bashkuar si subjekt i privilegjuar i transformimit bot\u00ebror. Pluraliteti i betejave emancipuese, pa harmoni t\u00eb siguruar, \u00ebsht\u00eb pranuar prej shum\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve. Aty ku teoria e Habermas-it dallon prej teorive kritike fukodiane dhe derridiane \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb ngulmimin e saj q\u00eb betejat emancipuese bashk\u00ebkohore duhet t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtohen mbi trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb e ngat\u00ebrruar dhe t\u00eb paplot\u00ebsuar t\u00eb demokracive kusht\u00ebtuese. Krizat e legjitimitetit n\u00eb demokracit\u00eb kapitaliste nuk hedhin posht\u00eb trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb e kushtetueshm\u00ebris\u00eb radikale, por orvaten t\u00eb rijet\u00ebsojn\u00eb shk\u00ebndij\u00ebn e energjive qytetare-republikane q\u00eb dikur soll\u00ebn deri te krijimi i rendeve kushtetuese.<\/p>\n

Teoria e veprimit komunikativ e Habermas-it \u00ebsht\u00eb kritikuar p\u00ebr Eurocentrizmin e saj. Kjo kritik\u00eb keqkupton faktin se konceptet si racionalizimi, sistemi dhe jet\u00eb-bota p\u00ebrshkruajn\u00eb procese q\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb thjesht eurocentrike por zhvillime t\u00eb nj\u00eb moderniteti global. Q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim, ekonomia kapitaliste pati shtrirje dinamike an\u00ebmban\u00eb bot\u00ebs. Shteti modern dhe aparatet e tij juridike e administrative u b\u00ebn\u00eb aspirat\u00eb universale e shum\u00eb ish kolonive q\u00eb u \u00e7liruan prej t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs s\u00eb tyre koloniale. Teorit\u00eb e modernitetit alternativ nuk duhen t\u00eb refuzojn\u00eb dobin\u00eb analitike t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre kategorive. Modelet e\u00a0Modernitetit alternativ\u00a0<\/em>sh\u00ebrbejne m\u00eb s\u00eb miri kur na informojn\u00eb p\u00ebr konfigurimet e ndryshme institucionale e organizative t\u00eb shteteve, tregjeve, e shoq\u00ebrive civile n\u00eb kontekstet Per\u00ebndimore, joper\u00ebndimore, e globale. Megjithk\u00ebt\u00eb, p\u00ebrshkrimet historike t\u00eb moderniteteve alternative nuk mund t\u00eb z\u00ebn\u00eb vendin e qasjes kritike q\u00eb orvatet t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktoj\u00eb vendndodhjen e potencialeve emancipuese e kund\u00ebrshtuese t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre transformimeve. Sulmi ndaj eurocentrizmit keqkupton abstraksionin metodologjik p\u00ebrmes s\u00eb cilit Habermas-i zhvillon teorin\u00eb e tij t\u00eb kriz\u00ebs s\u00eb sistemit dhe jet\u00eb-bot\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

E frym\u00ebzuar nga Habermas-I, poaq sa edhe nga Hannah Arendt-i, vepra ime e dy dekadave t\u00eb fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekur q\u00eb t\u00eb kap\u00ebrcej\u00eb nacionalizmin sociologjik duke mar\u00eb n\u00eb pyetje qytetarin\u00eb, migrimin dhe t\u00eb drejtat e t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve n\u00eb kontekstin global t\u00eb s\u00eb sotm\u00ebs. Kuftijt e demosit \u2013 t\u00eb vetes n\u00eb vet\u00eb-qeverisjen demokratike \u2013 nuk jan\u00eb formuar demokratikisht p\u00ebrmes dh\u00ebnies s\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebs s\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve. Kombi ka qen\u00eb identiteti i privilegjuar kolektiv q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb futur n\u00eb zbraz\u00ebtir\u00ebn mes idealit t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb si n\u00ebnshtrim ndaj ligjeve q\u00eb vijn\u00eb prej\u00a0t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb prekurve<\/em>, dhe realitetit t\u00eb nj\u00eb demosi t\u00eb mbyllur t\u00eb themeluar mbi privilegjin e\u00a0p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsis\u00eb<\/em>\u00a0s\u00eb nj\u00eb kombi. Ky nd\u00ebrveprim mes z\u00ebrit demokratik dhe mbylljes nacionaliste \u00ebsht\u00eb proces global q\u00eb e shohim si te nacionalizmi turk, ashtu edhe te nacionalizmit bashk\u00ebkohor hinduit, si n\u00eb etnocentrizmin japonez, poashtu, e gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb at\u00eb gjerman. Per\u00ebndimi nuk e ka monopolin kur vjen puna te intensiteti i nacionalizmave vrastare.<\/p>\n

Student\u00ebt e Carl Schmitt-it, si n\u00eb t\u00eb majt\u00ebn ashtu edhe n\u00eb t\u00eb djatht\u00ebn, n\u00eb k\u00ebto procese shohin konfliktin e domosdosh\u00ebm mes demokracis\u00eb dhe liberalizmit. P\u00ebrderisa demokracia, thon\u00eb ata, gjithmon\u00eb parasheh nj\u00eb subjekt kolektiv t\u00eb kufizuar, nj\u00eb \u201cne\u201d q\u00eb dallohet prej \u201cata\u201d, liberalizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb kozmopolitan: parasheh asociacion t\u00eb pakufizuar individ\u00ebsh q\u00eb thirren n\u00eb t\u00eb drejta. Demokracia liberale shfaqet si\u00a0contradiction in adjecto<\/em>. K\u00ebtu nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vendi i duhur p\u00ebr t\u00eb shpjeguar se si ky ballafaqim i thjesht\u00ebzuar e shtremb\u00ebron nd\u00ebrlikueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e betejave demokratike bashk\u00ebkohore p\u00ebr kufijt e demosit. Megjithat\u00eb, dua t\u00eb ngul k\u00ebmb\u00eb \u2013 si\u00e7 mendoj se do ta b\u00ebja m\u00eb 1968 \u2013 se po e p\u00ebrqafuam skepticizmin rreth t\u00eb drejtave universale t\u00eb njeriut (si\u00e7 po po b\u00ebjn\u00eb shum\u00eb njer\u00ebz), do t\u00eb mbesim me shum\u00eb pak vegla konceptuale me t\u00eb cilat do t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtonim popullizmin e djatht\u00eb, nacionalizmin vrastar turk, shovinzmin hinduit dhe izolacionizmin reaksionar e racist amerikan q\u00eb ka p\u00ebr q\u00ebllim t\u00eb ruaj\u00eb hegjemonin\u00eb e bardh\u00eb, duke i mbyllur kufijt njer\u00ebzve t\u00eb p\u00ebrzier e zezak\u00ebve t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj bote.<\/p>\n

Sot, rendi (apo \u00e7rregullimi) nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar i pas Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rr\u00ebmuj\u00eb. Nj\u00eb lufte e re mes superfuqive po paralajm\u00ebrohet, p\u00ebr momentin e fshehur n\u00ebn petkun e luft\u00ebrave tregtare. E majta ka qen\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb skeptike \u2013 me arsye n\u00eb shum\u00eb raste \u2013 ndaj institucioneve qeveris\u00ebse shum\u00ebkomb\u00ebtare si\u00e7 jan\u00eb Kombet e Bashkuara, Gykata Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, dhe Organizata Bot\u00ebrore e Tregtis\u00eb. Por tash, ajo e gjen veten m\u00ebnjan\u00eb historis\u00eb, duke shikuar p\u00ebrplasjen mes SHBA dhe Kin\u00ebs n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb, dhe ekspansionin n\u00eb rritje t\u00eb popullizmit autoritar q\u00eb prej Hungaris\u00eb n\u00eb Turqi, prej Filipineve n\u00eb Poloni, e n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, prej Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb Singapor. Fatkeq\u00ebsisht, deri m\u00eb tash nuk kemi pasur shum\u00eb gj\u00ebra t\u00eb themi rreth form\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb bote alternative, ku liria dhe drejt\u00ebsia mund t\u00eb strehohen n\u00eb institucionet q\u00eb transhendojn\u00eb ballafaqimet vrastare t\u00eb superfuqive. Kritika e s\u00eb majt\u00ebs q\u00eb i b\u00ebhet globalizimit neoliberal do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb zgjerohet, p\u00ebr t\u00eb parafytyruar institucione t\u00eb reja globale p\u00ebr kontrollimin e kapitalizmit n\u00eb shkall\u00eb globale, inkurajimin e rritjes s\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme e ekologjike mes popujve, dhe mb\u00ebshtetjen e sistemit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut.<\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 v\u00ebzhgonte Arendt-i, \u00e7lirimi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i njejt\u00eb me lirin\u00eb. Liria k\u00ebrkon krijimin e institucioneve dhe praktikave; ajo p\u00ebrfshin krijimin e bot\u00ebrave t\u00eb reja e t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb detyr\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn \u00e7do brez duhet ta marr\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebri e nga fillimi. Nuk b\u00ebj pjes\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb \u201cmelankolin\u00eb e s\u00eb majt\u00ebs\u201d aq t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapur sot, sa p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur titullin e eseut\u00a0t\u00eb Walter Benjamin-it<\/a>\u00a0, t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb famshme p\u00ebrs\u00ebri n\u00eb\u00a0analiz\u00ebn mjesht\u00ebrore<\/a>\u00a0e t\u00eb mpreht\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb Enzo Traveso-s p\u00ebr vdekjen e projekteve tradicionale socialiste e komuniste n\u00eb bot\u00ebn ton\u00eb. Detyra e kritik\u00ebs nuk soset; i duhet t\u2019i b\u00ebj\u00eb ball formave gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb reja t\u00eb padrejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, shtypjes, shfryt\u00ebzimit e margjinalizimit. Emancipim do t\u00eb thot\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm \u00e7lirim prej padrejt\u00ebsive, shfryt\u00ebzimeve, p\u00ebrjashtime e margjinalizmeve t\u00eb tilla, por edhe t\u00eb pasurit guxim p\u00ebr t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb re ku t\u00eb strehohet liria.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb prej parullave m\u00eb t\u00eb njohura t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjes studentore gjermane, fillimisht e p\u00ebrdorur nga situacionist\u00ebt francez\u00eb t\u00eb viteve 1960, thot\u00eb \u201cUnter dem Pflaster liegt der Strand\u201d \u2013 n\u00ebn asfalt shtrihet plazhi. Ende po e k\u00ebrkoj.<\/p>\n

—<\/p>\n

Seyla Benhabib<\/strong>\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb profesoresh\u00eb e Shkenc\u00ebs Politike dhe Filozofis\u00eb n\u00eb Universitetin Yale.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrktheu:\u00a0Bardhi Bakija<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Artikulli original n\u00eb\u00a0Boston Review Mendime p\u00ebr trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb e Shkoll\u00ebs s\u00eb Frankfurtit Maji i vitit 1968 sh\u00ebnoi zgjimin politik t\u00eb brezit tim. At\u00ebbot\u00eb, si studente e vitit t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb Kolegjin Amerikan p\u00ebr Vajza n\u00eb Stamboll dhe si grua e re hebreje n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri me shumic\u00eb myslimane, ndjeja er\u00ebrat revolucionare edhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb antiamerikanizmit […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":532,"featured_media":10548,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1922,954],"ppma_author":[1921],"class_list":["post-5545","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-antiamerikanizmi","tag-filozofi"],"authors":[{"term_id":1921,"user_id":532,"is_guest":0,"slug":"seyla-benhabib","display_name":"Seyla Benhabib","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/seyla-b.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/11\/seyla-b.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Benhabib","first_name":"Seyla","description":"Seyla Benhabib is a Turkish-born American philosopher. Benhabib is a senior research scholar and adjunct professor of law at Columbia Law School. She is also an affiliate faculty member in the Columbia University Department of Philosophy and a senior fellow at the Columbia Center for Contemporary Critical Thought."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5545","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/532"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5545"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5545\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10549,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5545\/revisions\/10549"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10548"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5545"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5545"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5545"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5545"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}