{"id":5624,"date":"2020-07-01T14:37:48","date_gmt":"2020-07-01T12:37:48","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=5624"},"modified":"2024-10-23T14:39:34","modified_gmt":"2024-10-23T12:39:34","slug":"kosova-ne-dekaden-e-trete-te-shekullit-21","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/opinion\/kosova-ne-dekaden-e-trete-te-shekullit-21\/","title":{"rendered":"Kosova n\u00eb dekad\u00ebn e tret\u00eb t\u00eb shekullit 21"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-up\">\n<p>Si munden shtetet e vogla si Kosova t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtaten me trendet e politikave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare?<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-down\">\n<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p>Ani pse shpesh ngjan se jan\u00eb t\u00eb injoruara dhe t\u00eb par\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, shtetet e vogla p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e shteteve t\u00eb bot\u00ebs. Diku rreth 2\/3 t\u00eb shteteve an\u00ebtare t\u00eb Organizat\u00ebs s\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara bien n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kategori. Nuk ka nj\u00eb definicion t\u00eb vet\u00ebm, por me shtete t\u00eb vogla n\u00ebnkuptohen entietetet me shifra numerikisht t\u00eb ul\u00ebta n\u00eb aspektin e territorit dhe popullsis\u00eb, rrjedhimisht fuqis\u00eb ekonomike, politike dhe ushtarake.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb resurseve t\u00eb pak\u00ebta p\u00ebr t\u00eb projektuar dhe zbatuar pushtet, shtetet e vogla tradicionalisht shquhen p\u00ebr impakt t\u00eb zbeht\u00eb n\u00eb dinamikat e politik\u00ebs nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuad\u00ebr, ato m\u00eb shum\u00eb jan\u00eb ndjek\u00ebse, se sa udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse. Veprimi i tyre m\u00eb shum\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb reaktiv, se sa pro-aktiv. P\u00ebr dallim nga politika e jashtme e shteteve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb fokus m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb, diplomacia e tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb e ngushtuar dometh\u00ebn\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e fokusuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb grusht q\u00ebllimesh (<em>niche diplomacy<\/em>).<\/p>\n<p>Zbehja e sistemit unipolar t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb norma n\u00ebn udh\u00ebheqjen e SHBA, duket se do t\u00eb sjell\u00eb ndryshime t\u00eb panjohura n\u00eb rendin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, natyrsh\u00ebm duke ndikuar edhe shtetet e vogla. Shtetet tjera po fuqizohen dhe me nj\u00eb rit\u00ebm t\u00eb ngadalt\u00eb po hyjm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb rend bot\u00ebror t\u00eb ri multipolar nga i cili ngrisin kok\u00ebn shum\u00eb t\u00eb panjohura, ani pse SHBA vazhdon ta ruaj\u00eb rolin e saj udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb aspekt me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi i k\u00ebtij ndryshimi rrjedh nga riforcimi i sovranitetit shtet\u00ebror, rrjedhimisht dob\u00ebsimi i sistemit t\u00eb normave dhe strukturave shum\u00ebpal\u00ebshe si OKB, BE, qe besa edhe NATO. Ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb lajm i mir\u00eb p\u00ebr fuqit\u00eb e vogla. N\u00eb thelb, normat e vendosura nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb si pararoj\u00eb p\u00ebr shtetet e vogla, duke iu mund\u00ebsuar atyre nj\u00ebfar\u00eb barazie me shtete m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, pra duke adresuar deficitin e fuqis\u00eb ekonomike, ushtarake, gjeografike etj. Prandaj, lindja e strukturave shum\u00ebpal\u00ebshe i mund\u00ebsoi atyre qasje n\u00eb nj\u00eb fuqi ekonomike dhe ushtarake t\u00eb paarritshme me resurset e tyre vetanake.<\/p>\n<p>Krizat e legjitimitetit t\u00eb organizmave shum\u00ebpal\u00ebsh n\u00eb vitet e fundit kan\u00eb ngritur pik\u00ebpyetje n\u00ebse ka ardhur nevoja p\u00ebr t\u00eb konsultuar forma t\u00eb reja organizimi. Ta kujtojm\u00eb rastin e Britanis\u00eb s\u00eb Madhe, e cila n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment thjesht pushoi s\u00eb besuari n\u00eb iden\u00eb e projektit t\u00eb Bashkimit Evropian dhe u b\u00eb shteti i par\u00eb i cili del nga ky union.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuad\u00ebr, dob\u00ebsimi i institucioneve shum\u00ebpal\u00ebshe k\u00ebrkon nga fuqit\u00eb e vogla, sikurse Kosova, t\u00eb rrisin v\u00ebmendjen e tyre p\u00ebr marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet dypal\u00ebshe. Ato do t\u00eb ken\u00eb perher\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb incentiva t\u00eb angazhohen p\u00ebr thellim t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me shtetet e tjera, me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb cementimit t\u00eb siguris\u00eb s\u00eb tyre nacionale dhe prosperitetit.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebrpos tjerash, multipolariteti i sistemit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar \u00ebsht\u00eb duke u manifestuar me nj\u00eb grumbull hegjemon\u00ebsh rajonal\u00eb t\u00eb forcuar dekadave t\u00eb fundit. Disa prej k\u00ebtyre si Brazili, Kina apo India jan\u00eb n\u00eb proces t\u00eb zhvillimit t\u00eb hovsh\u00ebm ekonomik dhe ekspansioni diplomatik. K\u00ebto shtete kan\u00eb filluar t\u00eb rrisin duksh\u00ebm ndikimin n\u00eb rajonet e tyre, por edhe n\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb globit.<\/p>\n<p>Ta z\u00ebm\u00eb Kina tash g\u00ebzon ndikim serioz n\u00eb disa shtete t\u00eb Afrik\u00ebs, por gjithashtu ka forcuar pozicionet n\u00eb kontinentin e Amerik\u00ebs Latine, apo edhe n\u00eb Ballkan Per\u00ebndimor, sidomos n\u00eb Serbi. Iniciativa kineze\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.beltroad-initiative.com\/belt-and-road\/\"><em>Belt and Road<\/em><\/a>\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt ambicioz i zbatuar n\u00eb mbi 70 shtete, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb shtetesh t\u00eb vogla. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rrafsh, n\u00eb dekad\u00ebn e re t\u00eb shekullit 21, bashk\u00ebpunimi me Kin\u00ebn do t\u00eb jet\u00eb mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebrher\u00eb e m\u00eb josh\u00ebse p\u00ebr shum\u00eb shtete t\u00eb vogla. Ani pse Kosova nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb imune, deri tash ka qen\u00eb e pandikuar nga zgjerimi kinez.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebrpos k\u00ebsaj, hedhja e syve kah strukturat rajonale ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb t\u00eb duket ide e udh\u00ebs. Strukturat regjionale do t\u00eb paraqesin nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb bashk\u00ebrenduar veprimet n\u00eb grupe m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla shtetesh. Brenda strukturave m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla, koncensusi mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb leht\u00eb i arritsh\u00ebm. Kjo nuk n\u00ebnkupton domosdo se multilateralizmi do t\u00eb z\u00ebv\u00ebnd\u00ebsohet nga regjionalizmi, por se kjo e fundit mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb faktor komplementar me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi i t\u00eb par\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Krejt k\u00ebto zhvillime nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare refkeltojn\u00eb edhe mbi Kosov\u00ebn. N\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb njohjes univerale, deri tash Kosova ka zhvilluar nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme unike n\u00eb krahasim me shtetet e tjera t\u00eb vogla, t\u00eb fokusuar n\u00eb rritjen e njohjes diplomatike. Sidoqoft\u00eb, fushata e Serbis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00ebrheqjen e njohjeve e filluar n\u00eb vitin 2017 disi e paralizoi aktivitetin diplomatik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Ajo kontriboi n\u00eb reduktimin e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme kosovare, n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb njohjeve.<\/p>\n<p>Derisa hyjm\u00eb n\u00eb dekad\u00ebn e tret\u00eb t\u00eb shekullit 21 pyetja qendrore p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn \u00ebsht\u00eb: cila \u00ebsht\u00eb rruga p\u00ebr kompletimin e njohjes nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare? Konfiguracioni aktual n\u00ebnkupton se Kosova duhet t\u00eb zgjedh\u00eb mes dy alternativave.<\/p>\n<p>Mund\u00ebsia e par\u00eb rrjedh nga nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje potenciale e paqes me Serbin\u00eb. Kjo marr\u00ebveshje do t\u00eb fasilitonte an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin n\u00eb NATO, si struktura supreme e siguris\u00eb. Kosova m\u00eb n\u00eb fund do t\u00eb integrohej n\u00eb struktur\u00ebn kryesore t\u00eb siguris\u00eb kolektive, si an\u00ebtare e barabart\u00eb. Idealisht, kjo marr\u00ebveshje do t\u00eb mund\u00ebsonte edhe shkrirjen e pozicioneve t\u00eb pes\u00eb shteteve mosnjoh\u00ebse t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, duke e qart\u00ebsuar p\u00ebrfundimisht orientimin strategjik t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb plan afatgjat\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb rastin tjet\u00ebr, rruga drejt njohjes s\u00eb plot\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare do t\u00eb synohej me mjetet aktuale, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrmes lobimit. Sidoqoft\u00eb, ndryshimet e parap\u00ebrmendura nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, p\u00ebrpos q\u00eb kan\u00eb dob\u00ebsuar pozicionin e Kosov\u00ebs, gjithashtu kan\u00eb ulur angazhimin e shteteve partnere p\u00ebr p\u00ebrkrahje n\u00eb lobim.<\/p>\n<p>Prandaj, n\u00ebse kompletimi i njohjes nuk rrjedh nga nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje e paqes, Kosova futet n\u00eb dekad\u00ebn e tret\u00eb t\u00eb shekullit 21 me gjasa reale t\u00eb mbetet n\u00eb\u00a0<em>status-quo<\/em>, duke vazhuar t\u00eb ket\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi serioze t\u2019i qaset shteteve mosnjoh\u00ebse dhe organizatave ku nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb an\u00ebtare. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb opsion, Kosova do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebnte hapa eventual p\u00ebrpara, por gjithashtu do t\u00eb vazhonte t\u00eb ishte shum\u00eb e ekspozuar karshi goditjeve t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb dhe Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb rrafshin diplomatik.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, fuqit\u00eb e vogla duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb adaptojn\u00eb nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb ndryshimesh, p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrshtatur me zhvillimet e reja t\u00eb rendit global n\u00eb dekad\u00ebn e tret\u00eb t\u00eb shekulli 21. Marr\u00eb p\u00ebr baz\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarjen e pushtetit n\u00eb nj\u00eb shum\u00ebsi polesh, ato do t\u00eb p\u00ebrballen me er\u00ebra q\u00eb fryejn\u00eb nga drejtime t\u00eb ndryshme.<\/p>\n<p>Si zakonisht, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb resurseve t\u00eb pak\u00ebta, duhet t\u00eb m\u00ebsojn\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtaten n\u00eb vend se t\u2019i luftojn\u00eb ato. \u00a0N\u00eb rastin e Kosov\u00ebs k\u00ebto dilemma jan\u00eb edhe m\u00eb me pesh\u00eb, pasi n\u00eb thelb kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me qen\u00ebsin\u00eb e shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe mbijetes\u00ebn n\u00eb rendin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n<p>&#8212;&#8211;<\/p>\n<p><em>Ky editorial mb\u00ebshtetet nga Instituti Demokraci p\u00ebr Zhvillim (D4D), si pjes\u00eb e projektit \u201cRruga dyt\u00ebsore drejt Europianizimit: Nj\u00eb qasje partneriteti\u201d, financuar nga Fondacioni p\u00ebr Shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb Hapur.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"news-right\">\n<div class=\"post\">\n<p class=\"author\">\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Si munden shtetet e vogla si Kosova t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtaten me trendet e politikave nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare? Ani pse shpesh ngjan se jan\u00eb t\u00eb injoruara dhe t\u00eb par\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, shtetet e vogla p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e shteteve t\u00eb bot\u00ebs. Diku rreth 2\/3 t\u00eb shteteve an\u00ebtare t\u00eb Organizat\u00ebs s\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara bien n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kategori. Nuk ka nj\u00eb definicion t\u00eb [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":68,"featured_media":8955,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[972,1497],"ppma_author":[77],"class_list":["post-5624","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-kosove","tag-nderkombetare"],"authors":[{"term_id":77,"user_id":68,"is_guest":0,"slug":"butrint-berisha","display_name":"Butrint Berisha","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-7-3.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/download-7-3.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Berisha","first_name":"Butrint","description":"Butrint Berisha ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet BA p\u00ebr Shkenca Politike n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs dhe studimet MA n\u00eb Universitetin e Stokholmit, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb nj\u00eb semest\u00ebr shk\u00ebmbimi n\u00eb Universitetin e Strathclyde, n\u00eb Skoci. Aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb i angazhuar n\u00eb Institutin e Pristin\u00ebs p\u00ebr Studime Politike (PIPS). Fokusi i tij \u00ebsht\u00eb politika nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5624","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/68"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5624"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5624\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8975,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5624\/revisions\/8975"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8955"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5624"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5624"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5624"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=5624"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}