{"id":6031,"date":"2021-01-11T12:59:53","date_gmt":"2021-01-11T10:59:53","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=6031"},"modified":"2024-10-17T13:01:07","modified_gmt":"2024-10-17T11:01:07","slug":"ndermjet-filozofise-ironise-dhe-demokracise-ii","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/kritike\/ndermjet-filozofise-ironise-dhe-demokracise-ii\/","title":{"rendered":"Nd\u00ebrmjet filozofis\u00eb, ironis\u00eb dhe demokracis\u00eb (II)"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Desublimimi i filozofis\u00eb\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Filozofi i njohur amerikan, Richard Rorty, n\u00eb librin e tij eseistik \u201cContingency, Irony and Solidarity\u201d pohon se p\u00ebrpjekja p\u00ebr ta \u201cfuzionuar sfer\u00ebn private dhe publike\u201d e ka karakterizuar tradit\u00ebn e mendimit metafizik per\u00ebndimor. Dhe kjo trash\u00ebgimi pik\u00ebnisjen e saj e ka n\u00eb pyetjen e vjet\u00ebr platonike se \u201cpse \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb interes t\u00eb dikujt q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb i drejt\u00eb?<\/p>\n

Kjo pyetje ka karakter imperativ politik. Sepse hulumtimi dhe njohja e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb brenda shpirtit njer\u00ebzor shkon paralelisht me k\u00ebrkimin e kritereve t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb politike. P\u00ebrsosja e s\u00eb par\u00ebs e shtron rrug\u00ebn p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimin e nj\u00eb rendi ideal shtet\u00ebror.\u00a0\u00a0Nj\u00eb pleksje e till\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet q\u00ebllimeve individuale dhe atyre sociale po ashtu \u00ebsht\u00eb afirmuar nga doktrina e shp\u00ebtimit t\u00eb krishter\u00eb q\u00eb e kumton si rrug\u00eb t\u00eb vetme \u201cvet\u00ebrealizimin e njeriut n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet sh\u00ebrbimit ndaj t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve.\u201d Pra me an\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre doktrinave \u00ebsht\u00eb tentuar t\u00eb kultivohet bindja se nxitjet personale p\u00ebr plot\u00ebsimin e nevojave, shpresave dhe \u201cprojekteve private duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb identike me solidaritetin shoq\u00ebror\u201d. Por, pik\u00ebrisht kjo etje p\u00ebr t\u2019i sintetizuar k\u00ebto dy sfera mbi t\u00eb v\u00ebrtetat \u201cmeta-historike\u201d, transcendente dhe fondatore, ka qen\u00eb dhe gabimi qen\u00ebsor i mendimit filozofik.<\/p>\n

Prandaj, sipas k\u00ebtij mendimtari, ridefinimi i rolit t\u00eb kahersh\u00ebm t\u00eb filozofis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nevoj\u00eb imediate. Desublimini i misionit t\u00eb saj tradicional publik dhe politik si dhe m\u00eb kryesorja divorcimi nga intenca e standardit \u201cplatoniko -kantian\u201d p\u00ebr ta unifikuar gjithqysh \u201csfer\u00ebn private dhe publike\u201d n\u00ebn nj\u00eb ombrell\u00eb eternale teorike, jan\u00eb disa nga detyrat e mendimit post-filozofik. Kjo nd\u00ebrmarrje p\u00ebrfshin po ashtu edhe \u2018dehynj\u00ebzimin\u2019 e nocioneve kryesore t\u00eb saj, sikurse uni, njohja, virtyti, shp\u00ebtimi p\u00ebrfundimtar etj.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb teoricien, trash\u00ebgimia e kasnisur nga Sokrati, n\u00eb epiqend\u00ebr t\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs gjendet thirrja p\u00ebr \u201cvet\u00ebnjohje\u201d, duhet t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsohet nga \u201cnxitja p\u00ebr vet\u00ebkrijim\u201d.\u00a0\u00a0Me k\u00ebt\u00eb kthes\u00eb gradualisht shtrohet rruga e \u00e7lirimit nga tundimi p\u00ebr\u00a0\u00a0t\u2019u arratisur nga koha dhe rasti\u201d. Dhe m\u00eb kryesorja krijohen kushtet p\u00ebr \u201cz\u00ebvend\u00ebsimin e t\u00eb V\u00ebrtet\u00ebs me Lirin\u00eb si nj\u00eb nga q\u00ebllimet themelore t\u00eb t\u00eb menduarit dhe progresit social\u201d.\u00a0\u00a0Inicimi i k\u00ebsaj kthese \u201canti-teorike\u201d n\u00ebnkupton edhe \u201crehabilitimin\u201d e formave t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb prodhimit kulturor, t\u00eb lidhura kryesisht m\u00eb shum\u00eb me narracionin. Prandaj, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e rast\u00ebsishme q\u00eb me kalimin e koh\u00ebs \u201cromanet, programet televizive dhe filmat, ua kan\u00eb z\u00ebn\u00eb vendin predikimeve religjioze dhe traktateve doktrinare si instrument q\u00eb i sh\u00ebrben po ashtu ndryshimit moral dhe progresit\u201d.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu, filozofia si i horizonti mendor i t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs absolute e humb prestigjin dhe aureol\u00ebn q\u00eb e kishte g\u00ebzuar nd\u00ebr shekuj. Zhytja n\u00ebp\u00ebr puset e thella teorike t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj disipline nuk ofron garanci se mund t\u00eb gjenden kriteret e duhura p\u00ebr ta drejtuar jet\u00ebn e vetme t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, racionale, t\u00eb virtytshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha qeniet njer\u00ebzore.<\/p>\n

E, pik\u00ebnisja e k\u00ebsaj tendence q\u00eb gradualisht filloi ta pushtonte imagjinat\u00ebn mendore t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs, mund t\u00eb merret ngjarja e Revolucioni Francez si dhe krijimet poetike romantike. Me t\u00eb par\u00ebn u d\u00ebshmua se\u00a0\u00a0fjalori politik i deri at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm i raporteve sociale, justifikimi\u00a0\u00a0i hynj\u00ebzuar hierarkik dhe spektri i institucioneve sociale mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbyset brenda nat\u00ebs, kurse me t\u00eb dyt\u00ebn poetet e k\u00ebtij brezi ngulmuan se \u201carti n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb mendohet si mjesht\u00ebri imituese, duhet t\u00eb afirmohet si mund\u00ebsi vet\u00ebkrijuese.\u201d Me k\u00ebt\u00eb afirmim ky brez e hapi shtegun e etablimit t\u00eb artit n\u00eb at\u00eb vend q\u00eb \u201ctradicionalisht e kishin z\u00ebn\u00eb religjioni dhe filozofia.\u201d<\/p>\n

Kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se \u201cheronjt\u00eb e mendimit t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs\u201d as nuk duhet t\u00eb lexohen dhe as t\u00eb studiohen. Apo t\u00eb hidhen n\u00eb \u201cmuzeun e vjet\u00ebrsirave historike\u201d pa ndonj\u00eb vler\u00eb p\u00ebr zhvillimin kulturor t\u00eb njeriut. Mir\u00ebpo, krijimet e tyre s\u2019e ofrojn\u00eb t\u00eb vetmin horizont t\u00eb kuptimit. Madje ata duhet t\u00eb riinterpretohen dhe t\u2019u p\u00ebrshtaten q\u00ebllimeve tona. Kurse k\u00ebt\u00eb nevoj\u00eb n\u00eb punimin \u201cTat\u00ebpjeta e t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs sh\u00eblbyese dhe lul\u00ebzimi i kultur\u00ebs letrare\u201d shum\u00eb m\u00eb mir\u00eb mbase mund ta plot\u00ebsoj\u00eb kjo e fundit. Madje nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi i k\u00ebsaj forme t\u00eb menduarit \u201csi feja ashtu edhe filozofia mund t\u00eb duken si zhanre letrare\u201d. E si rezultat i zhvendosjeve t\u00eb tilla, s\u2019kapullohemi nga ekstaza teorike e t\u00eb \u201cv\u00ebrtetave sh\u00eblbyese\u201d p\u00ebr ta vler\u00ebsuar \u201c\u00e7do send, person, ngjarje, ide dhe poem\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb vet\u00ebm i cili\u00a0\u00a0n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre do t\u00eb na paraqitej si natyror i paracaktuar dhe unik. Ku kjo e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb do t\u00eb ishte i vetmi kontekst q\u00eb do t\u00eb kishte r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjen p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb form\u00eb jet\u00ebve tona, meqen\u00ebse ai do t\u00eb ishte i vetmi n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin jet\u00ebt tona shfaqen ashtu si\u00e7 jan\u00eb realisht\u201d.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb saje t\u00eb k\u00ebtij transformimi mund ta nd\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsohemi p\u00ebr numrin e madh t\u00eb q\u00ebllimeve t\u00eb mundshme dhe t\u00eb jemi t\u00eb pavarur n\u00eb zgjedhjen e tyre. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, kjo e fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe m\u00eb af\u00ebr etosit demokratik. Sepse, p\u00ebr dallim nga filozofia q\u00eb e ka promovuar sintez\u00ebn totale t\u00eb q\u00ebllimeve, kultura letrare nuk\u00a0 joshet nga fantazma t\u00eb tilla. Ajo e njeh dhe e pranon pluralitetin e tyre. Nj\u00eb kusht ky i domosdosh\u00ebm edhe p\u00ebr konsolidimin e demokracis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kurse \u201cinstrumenti\u201d njoh\u00ebs kryesor i k\u00ebsaj kulture mbetet imagjinata. Kuptohet kjo e fundit mund jet\u00eb e kufizuar n\u00eb koh\u00eb. Mir\u00ebpo \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur q\u00eb k\u00ebta \u201ckufij t\u00eb tash\u00ebm t\u00eb zgjerohen vazhdimisht. Sepse duke konsumuar pjell\u00ebn e vet, imagjinata \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb zjarr p\u00ebrher\u00eb i gjall\u00eb e n\u00eb p\u00ebrhapje. Ajo varet nga koha dhe rasti p\u00ebr t\u00eb lul\u00ebzuar, por nd\u00ebrsa q\u00ebndron dhe ruan kujtes\u00ebn e s\u00eb shkuar\u00ebs s\u00eb vet n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb kap\u00ebrcej\u00eb kufijt\u00eb e m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm\u201d.\u00a0\u00a0E k\u00ebtij misioni, mbase m\u00eb mir\u00eb se askush tjet\u00ebr, i sh\u00ebrbyen ata filozof\u00eb q\u00eb shkuan gjurm\u00ebve t\u00eb poezis\u00eb romantike anti-platonike, duke insistuar q\u00eb n\u00eb vend t\u00eb \u201crolit kontemplativ n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb s\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebs, fokusin e tyre ta orientojn\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb ka kontigjencat e ekzistenc\u00ebs individuale\u201d.<\/p>\n

Ironia si z\u00ebvend\u00ebsim p\u00ebr filozofin\u00eb\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ky projekti p\u00ebr ta tejkaluar rolin sip\u00ebran t\u00eb filozofis\u00eb q\u00eb ajo e kishte pretenduar q\u00eb nga Platoni deri te Hegeli, padyshim se prodhon edhe implikime politike. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb deligjitimim per\u00ebndon edhe misioni i saj social dhe publik si udh\u00ebzuese e vetme teorike.\u00a0\u00a0Ajo e merr rolin dhe funksionin e k\u00ebrkimit t\u00eb shtigjeve p\u00ebr \u201cvet\u00ebkrijimin privat t\u00eb individit\u201d me an\u00eb t\u00eb \u201cmetaforave t\u00eb reja dhe jo atyre q\u00eb jan\u00eb trash\u00ebguar nga e kaluara\u201d.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb ky ndryshim q\u00eb e b\u00ebn t\u00eb panevojshme filozofin\u00eb p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr e dyta mund t\u00eb operoj\u00eb dhe funksionoj\u00eb pa asnj\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi pa ndihm\u00ebn e s\u00eb par\u00ebs. Prandaj n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb humbim koh\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb parimeve fondatore mbi institucionet demokratike, m\u00eb shum\u00eb duhet t\u00eb fokusohemi n\u00eb pasojat praktike q\u00eb krijon funksionimi apo mosfunksionimi i tyre.\u00a0\u00a0Me an\u00eb t\u00eb rr\u00ebfimeve, pohon Rorty, ne i tregojm\u00eb vetes se \u00e7ka ndodh n\u00ebse shthuren mekanizmat institucional\u00eb kushtetues. \u00c7far\u00eb konsekuenca prodhon d\u00ebshtimi i demokracis\u00eb, etj. Sepse kemi mund\u00ebsi ta krahasojm\u00eb me praktikat e triumfit t\u00eb fashizmit, nazizmit, komunizmit, diktaturave teokratike etj. Nga ky krahasim ne nd\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsohemi mbi p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsit\u00eb praktike t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Po ashtu i p\u00ebrfitojm\u00eb motivet se pse ia vlen q\u00eb t\u00eb sakrifikohet dhe luftohet n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb tyre. \u00cbsht\u00eb iluzore t\u00eb k\u00ebrkohen k\u00ebto arsye p\u00ebrtej \u201chistoris\u00eb dhe praktik\u00ebs s\u00eb institucioneve\u201d. Justifikimi i saj mund t\u00eb gjendet vet\u00ebm duke e krahasuar at\u00eb me \u201cp\u00ebrpjekjet tjera p\u00ebr organizim social, qoft\u00eb ato q\u00eb kan\u00eb lindur n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn\u201d, apo ato q\u00eb mund t\u00eb firohen nga imagjinata utopike. Kurse n\u00ebse fjalori i racionalizimit iluminist\u00a0\u00a0kishte qen\u00eb frytdh\u00ebn\u00ebs p\u00ebr demokracit\u00eb liberale n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e tyre fillestare, me kalimin e koh\u00ebs ai diskurs \u00ebsht\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb penges\u00eb p\u00ebr avancimin dhe konsolidimin e tyre.\u00a0\u00a0Kjo e b\u00ebn domosdosh\u00ebm z\u00ebvend\u00ebsimin e nocioneve tradicionale t\u00eb s\u00eb \u201cv\u00ebrtet\u00ebs, obligimit moral dhe arsyes, me ato t\u00eb metafor\u00ebs dhe vet\u00ebkrijimit\u201d edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb sfer\u00eb.<\/p>\n

E zhveshur nga barra misionare e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs filozofia duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb n\u00eb ironi. Kurse politikisht k\u00ebto tendenca mund t\u00eb akomodohen n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb projektit t\u00eb \u201cironis\u00eb liberale\u201d. T\u00eb gjitha formulat e tjera teorike q\u00eb ende aspirojn\u00eb q\u00eb demokracia duhet t\u2019i mish\u00ebroj\u00eb disa parime universaliste dhe racionaliste, Rorty i definon si \u201cliberaliz\u00ebm metafizik\u201d. T\u00eb till\u00eb e sheh e teorin\u00eb e Jurgen Habermasit. Ngase ky i fundit ende \u00ebsht\u00eb peng i reminishencave t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs q\u00eb s\u2019mund ta paramendojn\u00eb filozofin\u00eb pa nj\u00eb mision politik dhe publik. Madje filozofi gjerman vazhdon t\u00eb mendoj\u00eb se doktrina e liberalizmit nuk mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb sukses n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb lirive politike, civile dhe juridike pa nj\u00eb \u201ckonsensus racional mbi at\u00eb s\u00eb \u00e7ka \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb humane n\u00eb natyr\u00ebn njer\u00ebzore\u201d.\u00a0\u00a0Kurse p\u00ebr \u201cironist\u00ebt liberal\u00eb\u201d as q\u00eb ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebrkohet nj\u00eb konsensus i till\u00eb. Asgj\u00eb s\u2019ka m\u00eb \u201cbazike se sa d\u00ebshirueshm\u00ebria jon\u00eb\u201d. Madje as q\u00eb duhet q\u00eb ta k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn mbi procedurat e deliberacionit racional. \u00cbsht\u00eb e pakuptimt\u00eb t\u00eb insistohet n\u00eb natyr\u00ebn procedurale kognitive t\u00eb diskursit praktik, ashtu si\u00e7 rekomandon Jurgen Habermasi, i quajtur ndryshe si \u201cracionalisti i fundit\u201d n\u00eb filozofin\u00eb bashk\u00ebkohore. Sepse i \u201cv\u00ebrtet\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7do rezultat q\u00eb lind nga diskutimi i lir\u00eb.\u201d<\/p>\n

Ne thjesht mund t\u2019i lexojm\u00eb p\u00ebr nevoja private filozof\u00eb sikur Nietzsche, Heidegger, Derrida, etj., edhe pse praktikisht ata jan\u00eb t\u00eb padobish\u00ebm p\u00ebr q\u00ebllime publike. Pik\u00ebrisht ashtu si\u00e7 i lexojm\u00eb romanet.<\/p>\n

Mbart\u00ebsit e ironis\u00eb e kultivojn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb konstante sensin e dyshimit mbi fjalorin e tyre. Ata nuk sajojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrime superiore n\u00eb raport me vokabular\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb. Po ashtu, \u201cata heqin dor\u00eb nga etja p\u00ebr t\u2019i gjykuar gj\u00ebrat ashtu \u201csi n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb jan\u00eb, por m\u00eb shum\u00eb fokusohen n\u00eb at\u00eb se si ato duken, n\u00eb saje t\u00eb riinterpretimit\u201d. Kultura liberale vazhdimisht ka \u201cnevoj\u00eb ta p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsoj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb segment t\u00eb jet\u00ebs e jo t\u00eb k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb \u201cparime fondatore\u201d p\u00ebr esenc\u00ebn e saj. Shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb tilla duhet t\u00eb orientohen m\u00eb shum\u00eb nga fryma e poetizimit t\u00eb tyre sesa nga \u00ebndrrat iluministe t\u00eb racionalizimit. Heronjt\u00eb e k\u00ebtij rendi m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa klerik\u00ebt, luft\u00ebtar\u00ebt, t\u00eb urtit dhe shkenc\u00ebtar\u00ebt q\u00eb e k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb t\u00eb \u201cv\u00ebrtet\u00ebn sipas kritereve \u2018logjike\u2019 dhe \u2018objektive\u2019 jan\u00eb poet\u00ebt\u201d.<\/p>\n

Ky p\u00ebrfundim ironik q\u00eb e \u201cz\u00ebvend\u00ebson realitetin p\u00ebr dukjen\u201d, fokusohet n\u00eb \u201cvet\u00ebkrijimin e imazhit privat\u201d dhe mban q\u00ebndrim refuzues ndaj ides\u00eb s\u00eb argumentit me \u201cargumentin\u201d se proceduarat racionale t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj forme t\u00eb rezonuarit duhet t\u00eb braktisen si dhe nuk njeh asnj\u00eb \u201crealitet\u201d tjet\u00ebr pos shijes dhe termave q\u00eb i ka krijuar si horizont\u00a0\u00a0p\u00ebr ta gjykuar vetveten, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se nuk vuan nga kontradiktat e brendshme.\u00a0\u00a0I vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm se shumica e \u201cmendimtar\u00ebve liberal\u00eb nuk ishin ironist\u00eb\u201d dhe se shumica e ironist\u00ebve t\u00eb glorifikuar nuk ishin liberal\u00eb, Rorty detyrohet ta pranoj\u00eb se ironia n\u00eb instanc\u00eb t\u00eb fundit mund edhe t\u00eb mos jen\u00eb t\u00eb dobishme p\u00ebr nevojat publike t\u00eb liberalizimit. Por, ajo thjesht \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cterapi\u201d private. Ajo nuk p\u00ebrndizet nga nevoja p\u00ebr \u201cseriozitet\u201d publik. Nd\u00ebrkaq liberalizmit s\u2019i mbetet tjet\u00ebr pos t\u00eb mbijetoj\u00eb nga kontigjencat historike, politike dhe pa nj\u00eb arsyetim teorik se pse ai \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i avancuar se sa rival\u00ebt e tij ideologjik\u00eb dhe politik\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Pardoksalisht, kritika m\u00eb thumbuese deri m\u00eb tani ndaj ironis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb sajuar\u00a0\u00a0nga Hegeli, i cili \u00e7udit\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb vep\u00ebr bashku me\u00a0Nietzschen, Derridan\u00a0\u00a0dhe Foucaultin, kategorizohet si nj\u00eb nga \u201cteoricien\u00ebt ironist\u00eb, i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr nevoja private, por i padobish\u00ebm politikisht dhe publikisht\u201d. N\u00eb ligj\u00ebratat e tij mbi estetiken \u201cAesthetics-Lectures On Fine Art\u201d Hegeli, \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i cili ndoshta m\u00eb shum\u00eb se \u00e7do mendimtar tjet\u00ebr, e sulmon ashp\u00ebr ironin\u00eb si sensiblitet artistik dhe q\u00ebndrim p\u00ebr bot\u00ebn. K\u00ebt\u00eb ndjeshm\u00ebri, filozofi gjerman e denigron si t\u00eb kot\u00eb. Asaj i mungon serioziteti dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb e zbraz\u00ebt. Duke qen\u00eb vet\u00ebm shprehje e Egos s\u00eb \u201cpast\u00ebr\u201d \u00e7do gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr shfaqet para saj si e pavler\u00eb dhe pa r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi, me p\u00ebrjashtim t\u00eb subjektivitetit q\u00eb po ashtu izolohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb abys trishtues. Kuptohet, kjo kritik\u00eb e Hegelit kund\u00ebr ironis\u00eb ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb nga pozicioni i tij filozofik i \u201cvaliditetit absolut\u201d dhe si e till\u00eb nuk mund merret si kriter vendimtar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb debat, sidomos pas trandjeve q\u00eb ka p\u00ebsuar filozofia q\u00eb nga koha e Hegelit deri m\u00eb sot.<\/p>\n

Sidoqoft\u00eb, kritik\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb spikatur ndaj projektit t\u00eb ironis\u00eb liberale, n\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb debatit bashk\u00ebkohor, e ka artikuluar Richard, J. Bernstein. Ky i fundit duke u bazuar n\u00eb doktrin\u00ebn e tij \u201cp\u00ebrtej objektivizmit dhe relativizmit\u201d\u00a0\u00a0e atakon k\u00ebt\u00eb teori si cinike dhe aspak t\u00eb dobishme p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb. Por, ku q\u00ebndron thelbi i polemikave dhe mosmarr\u00ebveshjeve nd\u00ebrmjet k\u00ebtyre protagonisteve t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj rrym\u00eb mendore? A ka nevoj\u00eb ende demokracia p\u00ebr justifikim teorik?\u00a0\u00a0A duhet t\u00eb mbrohen p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsit\u00eb e saj paraprakisht me argumente racionale, apo thjesht ky sistem mund t\u00eb mbijetoj\u00eb nga rasti dhe koha si dhe duke u bazuar vet\u00ebm n\u00eb praktik\u00ebn e saj? Dhe a mundet q\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht demokracia t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb si alternativ\u00eb \u201cfinale\u201d si ndaj filozofis\u00eb ashtu edhe ndaj ironis\u00eb, p\u00ebr shkak se ajo ka brenda vet\u00ebs edhe potenciale epistemike? Jan\u00eb k\u00ebto vet\u00ebm disa nga pyetjet q\u00eb e karakterizuan k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje filozofike brenda shkoll\u00ebs neo-prgamtike amerikane, elaborimi i t\u00eb cilave \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm se asnj\u00ebher\u00eb tjet\u00ebr m\u00eb par\u00eb, sidomos p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb krizave dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve t\u00eb shum\u00ebfishta q\u00eb i kan\u00eb kapluar demokracit\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Vijon<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n
\n

\n<\/div>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Desublimimi i filozofis\u00eb\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Filozofi i njohur amerikan, Richard Rorty, n\u00eb librin e tij eseistik \u201cContingency, Irony and Solidarity\u201d pohon se p\u00ebrpjekja p\u00ebr ta \u201cfuzionuar sfer\u00ebn private dhe publike\u201d e ka karakterizuar tradit\u00ebn e mendimit metafizik per\u00ebndimor. Dhe kjo trash\u00ebgimi pik\u00ebnisjen e saj e ka n\u00eb pyetjen e vjet\u00ebr platonike se \u201cpse \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb interes t\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":377,"featured_media":8516,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[14],"tags":[1308,954],"ppma_author":[371],"class_list":["post-6031","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-kritike","tag-demokraci","tag-filozofi"],"authors":[{"term_id":371,"user_id":377,"is_guest":0,"slug":"afrim-kasolli","display_name":"Afrim Kasolli","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Kasolli","first_name":"Afrim","description":"Afrim Kasolli ka studiuar Filozofi-Sociologji. Nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka ligj\u00ebruar l\u00ebnd\u00ebn \u201cHyrje n\u00eb Shkencat Politike n\u00eb Kolegjin Victory\u201d. Ka qen\u00eb deputet i Kuvendit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Merret me shkrime dhe ese filozofike. Sfer\u00eb e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb e interesit t\u00eb tij \u00ebsht\u00eb filozofia politike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6031","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/377"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6031"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6031\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8520,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6031\/revisions\/8520"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8516"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6031"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6031"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6031"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=6031"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}