{"id":6118,"date":"2021-11-05T15:40:37","date_gmt":"2021-11-05T13:40:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=6118"},"modified":"2024-10-09T15:42:57","modified_gmt":"2024-10-09T13:42:57","slug":"vjeshta-e-ankthit-zgjedhor-i","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/vjeshta-e-ankthit-zgjedhor-i\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cVjeshta e ankthit\u201d zgjedhor (I)"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p>Q\u00eb prej p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb zgjedhjeve nacionale m\u00eb 14 shkurt t\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti, shpeshher\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shtruar dilema se zgjedhjet lokale t\u00eb 17 tetorit do t\u00eb ishin testi m\u00eb i madh p\u00ebr partit\u00eb n\u00eb sken\u00ebn politike t\u00eb vendit. Ky test lidhej si me L\u00ebvizjen Vet\u00ebvendosje, ku do t\u00eb verifikohej aft\u00ebsia e saj p\u00ebr ta ruajtur mb\u00ebshtetjen masive popullore q\u00eb e arriti n\u00eb zgjedhjet e p\u00ebrgjithshme, ashtu edhe p\u00ebr partit\u00eb q\u00eb kushtimisht mund t\u2019i quajm\u00eb tradicionale; se a do mund ta rimerrnin veten pas humbjes trondit\u00ebse q\u00eb p\u00ebrjetuan n\u00eb zgjedhjet nacionale.<\/p>\n<p>Si\u00e7 dihet, trupi i tyre elektoral u tkurr tej mase. Ato i humb\u00ebn mbi gjysm\u00ebn e mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsve t\u00eb tyre. Kurse koalicioni zyrtar i drejtuar nga Albin Kurti dhe Vjosa Osmani sh\u00ebnoi nj\u00eb ngritje t\u00eb paprecedent n\u00eb historin\u00eb ton\u00eb politike parlamentare. N\u00eb saje t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj fuqie numerike ata arrit\u00ebn q\u00eb ta marrin drejtimin e tri institucioneve kryesore p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuese n\u00eb nivel qendror, Kryetarin e Parlamentit, Kryeministrin dhe Presidenc\u00ebn. Nj\u00eb koncentrim ky i pushtetit n\u00eb nj\u00eb entitet politik po ashtu i pashembullt n\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn e pasluft\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Me k\u00ebt\u00eb konfiguracion t\u00eb ri politik, n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre ishte \u201c\u00e7rregulluar\u201d ekuilibri politiko-social q\u00eb kishte dominuar q\u00eb nga periudha e pasluft\u00ebs. Dhe natyrsh\u00ebm shtrohej pyetja se a do t\u00eb mundnin partit\u00eb humb\u00ebse ta ndalnin erozionin e tyre politik dhe elektoral?<\/p>\n<p>K\u00ebto dilema kishin b\u00ebr\u00eb q\u00eb zgjedhjet lokale t\u00eb 17 tetorit t\u00eb ishin pritur me nj\u00eb ankth t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. Kjo dit\u00eb filloi t\u00eb perceptohej si dita e gjykimit final.\u00a0\u00a0Pra n\u00ebse mb\u00ebshtetja qytetare p\u00ebr L\u00ebvizjen Vet\u00ebvendosje do t\u00eb konfirmohej me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin rezultat, at\u00ebher\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00ebsohej dominimi i saj i plot\u00eb politik, institucional dhe social n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha nivelet e pushtetit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Partit\u00eb e tjera do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbenin p\u00ebr nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb kohore vet\u00ebm si dekor formal i demokracis\u00eb son\u00eb, por pa ndonj\u00eb pesh\u00eb reale n\u00eb proceset vendimmarr\u00ebse.<\/p>\n<p>Mir\u00ebpo, befasisht, k\u00ebto zgjedhje konfirmuan nj\u00eb realitet tjet\u00ebr. Ndon\u00ebse duhet pritur p\u00ebrfundimin e balotazhit p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur nj\u00eb pasqyr\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb sakt\u00eb p\u00ebr peizazhin e ri politik q\u00eb e nxori ky proces demokratik, megjithat\u00eb disa indikator\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb sa u p\u00ebrket trend\u00ebve politik\u00eb q\u00eb jan\u00eb fermentuar brenda k\u00ebtij harku kohor.<\/p>\n<p>Sa u p\u00ebrket votave nacionale n\u00ebp\u00ebr asamble komunale u d\u00ebshmua se partia e par\u00eb n\u00eb vend kishte p\u00ebsuar r\u00ebnie rapide. Po ashtu, ajo nuk ia doli q\u00eb ta fitoj\u00eb asnj\u00eb komun\u00eb n\u00eb raundin e par\u00eb t\u00eb votimit.\u00a0 Dhe ky rezultat \u00ebsht\u00eb tejet dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs p\u00ebr peformanc\u00ebn e saj, sepse pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb nivel t\u00eb organizimit shoq\u00ebror gjenerohet vullneti politik i nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie.<\/p>\n<p>Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, po ashtu u d\u00ebshmua kapaciteti i partive opozitare p\u00ebr ta stopuar spiralen e tyre negative. Secila prej tyre sh\u00ebnoi stabilizim dhe rritje t\u00eb vot\u00ebs, her\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb e her\u00eb m\u00eb pak, rezultat ky q\u00eb ka ndikuar q\u00eb tani t\u00eb kemi tri parti p\u00ebraf\u00ebrsisht me dallime jo shum\u00eb t\u00eb theksuara elektorale. (Vet\u00ebvendosjen, LDK-n\u00eb dhe PDK-n\u00eb).<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst jan\u00eb t\u00eb paq\u00ebndrueshme reagimet e zyrtar\u00ebve kryesor\u00eb t\u00eb Vet\u00ebvendosjes p\u00ebr ta relativizuar me \u00e7do kusht k\u00ebt\u00eb prapakthim t\u00eb saj elektoral n\u00eb\u00a0 raport me ngritjen spektakolare q\u00eb e sh\u00ebnoi n\u00eb shkurt t\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti. Po ashtu problematik mbetet synimi p\u00ebr ta zhvendosur kriterin mat\u00ebs me zgjedhjet lokale t\u00eb vitit 2017, di\u00e7ka q\u00eb e mohonin vet\u00eb pak para zgjedhjeve. Madje protagonist\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj partie n\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi i kan\u00eb m\u00ebshuar refrenit se referendumi i shkurtit mund t\u00eb kuptim\u00ebsohet vet\u00ebm me fitoren p\u00ebrfundimtare t\u00eb k\u00ebtij subjekti edhe n\u00eb nivel lokal.<\/p>\n<p>Prandaj, pashmangsh\u00ebm, shtrohen nj\u00eb varg pyetjesh se \u00e7ka e solli k\u00ebt\u00eb ndryshim t\u00eb beft\u00eb elektoral. A ishte rezultati i dit\u00ebs s\u00eb t\u00eb dashuruarve nj\u00eb reagim irracional i masave, si\u00e7 pandehin disa oponent\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebtij subjekti? Joshje e \u00e7astit me siren\u00ebn e retorik\u00ebs populiste dhe romantike? A ndryshoi nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb kjo L\u00ebvizje, pasi u akomodua n\u00eb \u201cpallatet e kristalta\u201d qeveritare, e q\u00eb solli nj\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjim t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb me aft\u00ebsin\u00eb saj p\u00ebr t\u2019i mbajtur premtimet e b\u00ebra?\u00a0\u00a0Ndon\u00ebse v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb thuhet se ky faktor ishte kryesori q\u00eb rezultoi me k\u00ebt\u00eb zhvendosje t\u00eb lojalitetit politik qytetar ndaj k\u00ebtij entiteti.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, deri m\u00eb sot as partit\u00eb e tjera s\u2019jan\u00eb dalluar aq shum\u00eb p\u00ebr mbajtje korrekte t\u00eb premtimeve t\u00eb b\u00ebra para publikut. Mir\u00ebpo, forca e tyre elektorale nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgjysmuar brenda nj\u00eb kohe kaq t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr.\u00a0\u00a0Apo mos komoditeti dhe iluzioni se pas 14 shkurtit pushteti \u00ebsht\u00eb di\u00e7ka e mir\u00ebqen\u00eb p\u00ebr Vet\u00ebvendosjen dhe jo produkt i rrethanave shum\u00eb specifike sociale dhe dinamikave kontingjente politike? \u00c7far\u00eb edhe solli n\u00eb fund neglizhimin e tyre?<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u201cRacionaliteti\u201d i populizmit<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Nuk mund t\u00eb mohohet fakti se L\u00ebvizja Vet\u00ebvendosje n\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi ka operuar me slogane populiste. Ndarja e njohur dikotomike \u2018populli versus elita\u2019 \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e inherente e nj\u00eb vokabulari t\u00eb till\u00eb. Kjo e fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb akuzuar se ka tradhtuar interesat e t\u00eb parit, duke u shitur te konjunkturat globale, si dhe duke e k\u00ebrkuar mbijetes\u00ebn p\u00ebr vete n\u00eb kurriz t\u00eb popullit. Prandaj, \u201cp\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues legjitim\u00eb moral\u00eb dhe politik\u00eb t\u00eb popullit jemi NE\u201d, kumtojn\u00eb populist\u00ebt anek\u00ebnd bot\u00ebs. \u00cbsht\u00eb e njohur th\u00ebnia e Presidentit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs Turke, Rexhep. T. Erdogan, p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb sindrom politik modern drejtuar kund\u00ebrshtareve t\u00eb tij: \u201cNe jemi populli, po ju kush jeni?\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Mir\u00ebpo, si\u00e7 ka treguar praktika, n\u00eb shum\u00eb vende ku formacione t\u00eb tilla ia dalin q\u00eb ta marrin pushtetin, pesha e tyre vet\u00ebm sa vjen duke u shtuar dhe jo duke u pak\u00ebsuar p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr. Rastet e Hungaris\u00eb, Turqis\u00eb, Polonis\u00eb etj., jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm disa shembuj q\u00eb e ilustrojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pandehm\u00eb. Apo, si\u00e7 kan\u00eb deklaruar shum\u00eb studiues, populzimi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm zjarrmi stinore q\u00eb do t\u00eb davaritet shum\u00eb shpejt. Por ai do jet\u00eb fati yn\u00eb i pashmangsh\u00ebm politik p\u00ebr nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb bukur t\u00eb gjat\u00eb, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb krizave strukturore q\u00eb na kan\u00eb kapluar. Me k\u00ebt\u00eb rast shtrohet pyetja pse vet\u00ebm kurba elektorale e Vet\u00ebvendosjes mori k\u00ebt\u00eb kthes\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7uditshme? A do t\u00eb thot\u00eb kjo se ajo nuk ishte sa duhet populiste p\u00ebr t\u00eb pasur sukses n\u00eb \u00e7imentimin e plot\u00eb t\u00eb pushtetit n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha kapilar\u00ebt e sistemit?<\/p>\n<p>Sidoqoft\u00eb, vler\u00ebsimi se t\u00eb gjitha l\u00ebvizjet populiste jan\u00eb produkt i shp\u00ebrthimeve momentale irracionale nuk guxon t\u00eb merret si i mir\u00ebqen\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Zhvillimet politike dhe historike kan\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar se shpeshher\u00eb ato mbartin nj\u00eb b\u00ebrtham\u00eb racionale t\u00eb reagimit dhe veprimit, e q\u00eb s\u2019mund t\u00eb interpretohen vet\u00ebm n\u00eb terma t\u00eb dalldis\u00eb momentale t\u00eb masave, patologjive sociale dhe shkarjeve fondamentale nga parimet e demokracis\u00eb liberale.<\/p>\n<p>Margaret Canovan n\u00eb librin e saj \u201cPopulism\u201d\u00a0\u00a0ka treguar se klishe t\u00eb tilla jo korrekte nuk e zb\u00ebrthejn\u00eb si duhet suksesin e k\u00ebtij fenomeni politik. Madje ajo mbron tez\u00ebn se ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb frustrimit dhe pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsis\u00eb kolektive publike, p\u00ebrqafimi i l\u00ebvizjeve t\u00eb tilla mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb strategji racionale kundrejt rrethanave r\u00ebnkuese.\u00a0\u00a0Sipas k\u00ebsaj teoricieneje t\u00eb spikatur t\u00eb mendimit politik bashk\u00ebkohor, sidomos n\u00eb situata kur interesat e shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb zakonshme t\u00eb popullsis\u00eb bien n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim t\u00eb hapur me ato t\u00eb elitave politike, ekonomike dhe financiare n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend, at\u00ebher\u00eb opsioni i populizimit shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb mjet t\u00eb\u00a0vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb riadresuar politikisht dhe moralisht k\u00ebto ankesa.<\/p>\n<p>Kurse nj\u00ebri nga studiuesit m\u00eb t\u00eb spikatur t\u00eb k\u00ebtij fenomeni,\u00a0Cas Mudde, n\u00eb librin e tij \u201cSYRIZA: The Failure of the Populist Promise\u201d, ka treguar se suksesin e l\u00ebvizjeve t\u00eb tilla q\u00eb \u201cshtrojn\u00eb shpeshher\u00eb pyetje t\u00eb drejta, por ofrojn\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb gabuara\u201d nuk guxojm\u00eb ta zhveshim edhe nga nj\u00eb dimension specifik. Duke u bazuar n\u00eb tezat e hulumtuesit t\u00eb shkencave politike Russel Dalton mbi\u00a0\u00a0\u201crevolucionin kognitiv\u201d q\u00eb ka ndodhur si pasoj\u00eb avancimeve teknologjike, Mudde pohon se pik\u00ebrisht ky zhvillim i ushqen n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb mase sentimentet anti-establishment. Sipas tij, njer\u00ebzit sot jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb edukuar dhe m\u00eb vet\u00ebkonfident\u00eb edhe n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet politike. Prandaj sot shumica e qytetar\u00ebve s\u2019jan\u00eb t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm thjesht t\u00eb ndjekin lider\u00ebt e tyre, sepse ata jan\u00eb edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb arsimuar se t\u00eb dyt\u00ebt. Dhe n\u00ebse n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn njer\u00ebzit kur frustroheshin me elitat e tyre k\u00ebrkonin t\u2019i z\u00ebvend\u00ebsonin ato me elita t\u00eb tjera, ata thjesht sot k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb politikan\u00eb q\u00eb arrijn\u00eb t\u00eb shfaqen si \u201cz\u00ebri i popullit\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, partit\u00eb q\u00eb e kishin udh\u00ebhequr Kosov\u00ebn deri me 14 shkurt t\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se s\u2019ishin ve\u00e7uar p\u00ebr abuzime t\u00eb tilla. Prandaj zem\u00ebrimi i akumuluar publik i shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve b\u00ebri q\u00eb ata t\u00eb identifikohen masivisht me L\u00ebvizjen Vet\u00ebvendosje. Dhe ta shohin at\u00eb si t\u00eb vetmen mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr shtegdalje nga qerthulli vicioz i abuzimit dhe mediokritetit q\u00eb ishte instaluar nga partit\u00eb \u201ctradicionale\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Mir\u00ebpo, pardoksalisht, n\u00eb nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb sikur u zhvendosen rolet. Pas goditjes q\u00eb partit\u00eb \u201ctradicionale\u201d mor\u00ebn me 14 shkurt u b\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijshme p\u00ebr arsyet e atij t\u00ebrmeti.\u00a0\u00a0E kuptuan se nuk mund t\u00eb shkojn\u00eb n\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi duke u tallur me opinionin publik. Prandaj b\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr aq sa pat\u00ebn mund\u00ebsi, her\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb e her\u00eb m\u00eb pak, p\u00ebr t\u00eb em\u00ebruar kandidatura m\u00eb kredibile n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb gar\u00eb elektorale. \u00c7udit\u00ebrisht humb\u00ebsit u nd\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsuan pse kishin humbur, kurse fitimtar\u00ebt s\u2019e dinin pse kishin fituar. Ose d\u00ebshiruan t\u2019i injoronin arsyet e triumfit t\u00eb tyre.<\/p>\n<p>Me k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, kjo L\u00ebvizje u ve\u00e7ua n\u00eb promovimin e kund\u00ebrt t\u00eb atyre vlerave q\u00eb i kishte proklamuar nd\u00ebr vite.\u00a0\u00a0Dhe k\u00ebtu vlen t\u00eb ve\u00e7ohet sidomos kauza e saj p\u00ebr \u00e7lirimin e politik\u00ebs nga injoranca. Kuptohet, kishte edhe p\u00ebrjashtime. Madje n\u00eb k\u00ebto raste rezultatet nuk munguan.\u00a0\u00a0Por n\u00eb disa komuna mjerisht menyja e saj elektorale ofronte kandidat\u00eb q\u00eb ishin n\u00ebn nivelin mesatar t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb kosovare. Metaforikisht, kjo L\u00ebvizje e braktisi pik\u00ebrisht at\u00eb kauz\u00eb t\u00eb \u201cpopullzimit\u201d q\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej ta mbronte m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti. Promovimi i akademik\u00ebve n\u00eb fushata elektorale, apo premtimi politik p\u00ebr organizim t\u00eb eventeve t\u00eb bukuris\u00eb p\u00ebr gjyshet tona, u b\u00ebn\u00eb shprehje banale e imazhit t\u00eb saj publik sa u p\u00ebrket premtimeve p\u00ebr qeverisjen e ardhshme lokale. (Vijon)<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Q\u00eb prej p\u00ebrfundimit t\u00eb zgjedhjeve nacionale m\u00eb 14 shkurt t\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti, shpeshher\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shtruar dilema se zgjedhjet lokale t\u00eb 17 tetorit do t\u00eb ishin testi m\u00eb i madh p\u00ebr partit\u00eb n\u00eb sken\u00ebn politike t\u00eb vendit. Ky test lidhej si me L\u00ebvizjen Vet\u00ebvendosje, ku do t\u00eb verifikohej aft\u00ebsia e saj p\u00ebr ta ruajtur mb\u00ebshtetjen masive [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":377,"featured_media":8154,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[972,998,1261],"ppma_author":[371],"class_list":["post-6118","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kosove","tag-politike","tag-zgjedhjet"],"authors":[{"term_id":371,"user_id":377,"is_guest":0,"slug":"afrim-kasolli","display_name":"Afrim Kasolli","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/11\/download-e1699361476685.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Kasolli","first_name":"Afrim","description":"Afrim Kasolli ka studiuar Filozofi-Sociologji. Nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka ligj\u00ebruar l\u00ebnd\u00ebn \u201cHyrje n\u00eb Shkencat Politike n\u00eb Kolegjin Victory\u201d. Ka qen\u00eb deputet i Kuvendit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs. Merret me shkrime dhe ese filozofike. Sfer\u00eb e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb e interesit t\u00eb tij \u00ebsht\u00eb filozofia politike."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6118","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/377"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6118"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6118\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8155,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6118\/revisions\/8155"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8154"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6118"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6118"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6118"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=6118"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}