{"id":6129,"date":"2021-10-29T15:36:45","date_gmt":"2021-10-29T13:36:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=6129"},"modified":"2024-10-09T15:38:03","modified_gmt":"2024-10-09T13:38:03","slug":"marreveshja-trelaterale-e-mbrojtjes-aukus-dhe-baraspesha-e-kercenimit-ii","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/marreveshja-trelaterale-e-mbrojtjes-aukus-dhe-baraspesha-e-kercenimit-ii\/","title":{"rendered":"Marr\u00ebveshja trelaterale e mbrojtjes \u201cAukus\u201d dhe baraspesha e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit (II)"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"news-left\">\n<p><strong>Australia n\u00eb \u201csandvi\u00e7 gjeopolitik\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Bashk\u00ebpunimi dhe interaksioni ekonomik n\u00eb mes t\u00eb Australis\u00eb dhe Kin\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb i konsideruesh\u00ebm. Ky raport i nd\u00ebrvarur filloi t\u00eb intensifikohet sidomos q\u00eb nga vitet \u201890 e tutje \u2013 periudh\u00eb kohore kjo kur edhe vet\u00eb Kina e nisi rritjen e saj dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse n\u00eb domenin ekonomik dhe penetrimin agresiv, por pa ndonj\u00eb pompozitet p\u00ebr t\u00eb r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb sy, n\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb dhe tregjet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n<p>Sipas t\u00eb dh\u00ebnave t\u00eb ofruara nga Qeveria Australiane, respektivisht nga\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.dfat.gov.au\/geo\/china\/china-country-brief\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Departamenti p\u00ebr \u00c7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb Jashtme dhe Tregti<\/a>, aktualisht Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb partneri m\u00eb i madh tregtar i Australis\u00eb, n\u00eb mallra dhe sh\u00ebrbime, me gjithsej 31% t\u00eb tregtis\u00eb q\u00eb ky vend ka me bot\u00ebn. Sidoqoft\u00eb, duket se viteve t\u00eb fundit ky bashk\u00ebpunim ka filluar t\u00eb zbehet, duke shp\u00ebrfaqur k\u00ebshtu plasaritjet e para q\u00eb, n\u00eb shikim t\u00eb par\u00eb, mund t\u00eb konsiderohet se u takojn\u00eb mospajtimeve n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e ekonomis\u00eb dhe tregtis\u00eb. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, krahasuar me vitin 2019, m\u00eb 2020 tregtia dypal\u00ebshe e Australis\u00eb me Kin\u00ebn ra me 3%, kurse eksportet n\u00eb mallra dhe sh\u00ebrbime n\u00eb\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.dfat.gov.au\/geo\/china\/china-country-brief\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">6%<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>Arsyetimi zyrtar i pal\u00ebs australiane p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb r\u00ebnie u atribuohet \u201cmasave kufizuese q\u00eb u mor\u00ebn si pasoj\u00eb e pandemis\u00eb COVID-19\u201d. Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr logjik\u00ebs ekonomike dhe interpretimeve zyrtare p\u00ebr t\u00eb shpjeguar k\u00ebt\u00eb \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/edition.cnn.com\/2021\/05\/05\/china\/australia-china-war-military-mic-intl-hnk\/index.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ftohje bilaterale<\/a>\u201d, duhet th\u00ebn\u00eb se establishmenti politik australian kishte koh\u00eb q\u00eb e n\u00ebnvizonte domosdoshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e pasjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb debati shterues dhe nj\u00eb analize shum\u00ebdimensionale p\u00ebr t\u00eb peshuar si\u00e7 duhet e n\u00eb harmoni me interesat nacional\u00eb, rrezikun q\u00eb shfaqet nga t\u00eb bazuarit e prosperitetit ekonomik t\u00eb vendit te tregtia me Kin\u00ebn autokratike, e aspekteve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb tek aleanca me ShBA-n\u00eb. Kur merret n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb raporti i tensionuar i viteve t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb mes t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb dhe Kin\u00ebs, duket se Australia u gjend n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201csandvi\u00e7 gjeopolitik\u201d dhe e kishte t\u00eb domosdoshme t\u00eb merrte vendime jo t\u00eb lehta me pasoja aspak minore n\u00eb zhvillimin e gjithmbarsh\u00ebm t\u00eb vendit.<\/p>\n<p>Ne fakt, kjo \u201cdilem\u00eb strategjike\u201d ishte v\u00ebn\u00eb re me koh\u00eb nga Kina dhe, p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, sidomos n\u00eb dy vjet\u00ebt e fundit, ajo kishte proklamuar suspendimin e \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/business-57004797\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">padefinuar<\/a>\u201d t\u00eb \u201cdialogut ky\u00e7 ekonomik me Australin\u00eb\u201d. Th\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshe dhe me gjuh\u00eb m\u00eb pak teknike, kjo n\u00ebnkupton se n\u00eb mes t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre shteteve tashme kishte filluar nj\u00eb tension dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs dhe \u00e7rregullim i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve ekonomike.<\/p>\n<p>M\u00eb sakt\u00eb, raportet mes tyre kishin filluar t\u00eb degradonin n\u00eb momentin kur Australia u ishte bashkuar aleat\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb per\u00ebndimor\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn p\u00ebr realizimin e nj\u00eb hulumtimi t\u00eb detajuar nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar mbi origjin\u00ebn e virusit corona dhe gjithashtu kishte marr\u00eb vendim q\u00eb t\u00eb ndalonte gjigandin teknologjik nga Kina, Huawei, q\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtonte n\u00eb Australi rrjetin 5G. Si kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigje ndaj k\u00ebtyre veprimeve, zyrtar\u00ebt kinez\u00eb kishin vendosur sanksione ndaj mallrave australiane, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb mishi i vi\u00e7it dhe vera. N\u00eb deklarat\u00ebn zyrtare t\u00eb\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.aa.com.tr\/en\/asia-pacific\/china-suspends-economic-framework-with-australia\/2231346\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Komisionit Komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs p\u00ebr Zhvillim dhe Reform\u00eb<\/a>, veprimet e Australis\u00eb ishin cil\u00ebsuar si t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetura mbi \u201cmentalitetin Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb dhe diskriminimit ideologjik\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb ftohje e till\u00eb e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve n\u00eb mes t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs dhe Australis\u00eb nuk ka ndodhur vet\u00ebm n\u00eb nivel t\u00eb raporteve t\u00eb tyre zyrtare, por \u00ebsht\u00eb reflektuar duksh\u00ebm edhe tek opinioni publik australian. N\u00eb nj\u00eb hulumtim empirik mbi q\u00ebndrimet, besimet dhe sjelljet e opinionit publik, t\u00eb realizuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb sistematike q\u00eb nga viti 2002 nga Instituti Lowy, konstatohet se besimi, af\u00ebrsia dhe konfidenca kundrejt Kin\u00ebs kan\u00eb filluar t\u00eb bien theksuesh\u00ebm q\u00eb nga viti 2017 e tutje, duke arritur kulmin m\u00eb 2021.<\/p>\n<p>Duket se mosmarr\u00ebveshjet ekonomike dhe politike n\u00eb mes t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre vendeve kan\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb gjurm\u00eb evidente. K\u00ebshtu, bazuar n\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebna t\u00eb k\u00ebtij\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/poll.lowyinstitute.org\/themes\/china\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">hulumtimi<\/a>, aktualisht shumica e australian\u00ebve (63%) e shohin Kin\u00ebn si \u201ck\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb e Australis\u00eb\u201d. Krahasuar me vitin 2020, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rritje prej 22%. Kurse, 34% e respondent\u00ebve deklaruan se Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb \u201cpartner ekonomik p\u00ebr Australin\u00eb\u201d sesa \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb. N\u00ebse k\u00ebto t\u00eb dh\u00ebna, p\u00ebr pyetjen e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb, krahasohen me ato t\u00eb nj\u00eb viti m\u00eb par\u00eb (2020), i bie q\u00eb kjo vler\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb 21% me e ul\u00ebt. Diferenca dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse n\u00eb ndryshimin e q\u00ebndrimeve evidentohet qart\u00eb n\u00ebse t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat e k\u00ebtij viti (2021) vendosen n\u00eb raport me ato t\u00eb vitit 2018. N\u00eb at\u00eb periudh\u00eb kohore, 82% t\u00eb australian\u00ebve e shihnin Kin\u00ebn si partner ekonomik, kurse p\u00ebrqindja e atyre q\u00eb e perceptonin si k\u00ebrcenim t\u00eb siguris\u00eb ishte pa ndonj\u00eb dometh\u00ebnie t\u00eb madhe statistikore.<\/p>\n<p>Ka t\u00eb ngjar\u00eb q\u00eb zhvillimet e fundit kan\u00eb ndryshuar edhe nivelin e besimit q\u00eb opinion publik australian ka kundrejt shteteve t\u00eb tjera partnere.\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/poll.lowyinstitute.org\/themes\/china\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Rezultatet<\/a>\u00a0tregojn\u00eb se respondent\u00ebt kan\u00eb nivelin me t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb besimit te shtetet q\u00eb qeverisen nga sisteme politike bazuar n\u00eb vlera t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb liberale. Shumica d\u00ebrrmuese e tyre (87%) deklaruan se besojn\u00eb q\u00eb Japonia dhe Mbret\u00ebria e Bashkuar jan\u00eb shtete t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegjshme dhe t\u00eb besueshme n\u00eb raport me Australin\u00eb, por edhe sa i p\u00ebrket p\u00ebrfshirjes n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje globale gjithashtu.<\/p>\n<p>Besimi n\u00eb ShBA-n\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse n\u00eb vitin 2021 \u2013 edhe pse mbetet m\u00eb i ul\u00ebt n\u00eb raport me at\u00eb t\u00eb Japonis\u00eb dhe Mbret\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Bashkuar. Konkretisht, gjasht\u00eb nga dhjet\u00eb australian\u00eb (61%) u shpreh\u00ebn se i besojn\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb si partner i p\u00ebrgjegjsh\u00ebm. N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, p\u00ebr t\u00eb dytin vit me radh\u00eb, Kina del t\u00eb jet\u00eb vendi kundrejt t\u00eb cilit australian\u00ebt kan\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb paku besim. Vet\u00ebm 16% e respondent\u00ebve pjes\u00ebmarr\u00ebs n\u00eb hulumtim deklaruan t\u00eb jen\u00eb besimplot\u00eb se Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb partner i p\u00ebrgjegjsh\u00ebm, nj\u00eb shif\u00ebr kjo shum\u00eb e ul\u00ebt kur krahasohet me at\u00eb t\u00eb vitit 2018 ku 52% shprehnin besimin n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb shtet.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Aleancat si p\u00ebrgjigje ndaj k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb pamje t\u00eb par\u00eb duket se nuk ka ndonj\u00eb lidhje dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse n\u00eb mes t\u00eb t\u00ebrheqjes p\u00ebrfundimtare t\u00eb trupave amerikan\u00eb nga Afganistani dhe arritjes s\u00eb k\u00ebtij pakti trelateral t\u00eb mbrojtjes. Mir\u00ebpo, n\u00ebse k\u00ebto zhvillime venerohen kujdessh\u00ebm, duke i marr\u00eb n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb efektet q\u00eb kan\u00eb ndryshimet strukturore n\u00eb sistemin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, leht\u00eb mund t\u00eb konstatohet se k\u00ebto dy ngjarje \u2013 p\u00ebrve\u00e7q\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm faktin se kan\u00eb ndodhur brenda muajt shtator t\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtit vit \u2013 jan\u00eb n\u00eb korrelacion t\u00eb drejt\u00eb me perceptimin p\u00ebr k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin q\u00eb shfaq p\u00ebr ShBA-n\u00eb rritja e fuqis\u00eb dhe ndikimit t\u00eb Kin\u00ebs. Prandaj, mund t\u00eb konkludohet se lidhja e k\u00ebsaj aleance trelaterale t\u00eb siguris\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ilustrim shkollor i baraspesh\u00ebs s\u00eb fuqis\u00eb\/k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimit n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb thelb t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Origins-Alliances-Cornell-Studies-Security\/dp\/0801494184\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">qasjeje teorike<\/a>\u00a0dhe politike praktike, ekziston supozimi se \u201cshtetet do t\u00eb bashkohen n\u00eb aleanc\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb shmangin dominimin nga nj\u00eb shtet m\u00eb i fuqish\u00ebm\u201d. Mb\u00ebshtetur mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb postulat teorik, kjo iniciativ\u00eb trepal\u00ebshe, t\u00ebrheqja e ShBA-s\u00eb nga Afganistani dhe shum\u00eb l\u00ebvizje t\u00eb tjera q\u00eb pritet t\u00eb ndodhin n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen e af\u00ebrt, jan\u00eb rezultat i marrjes s\u00eb masave t\u00eb domosdoshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb balancuar perceptimin n\u00eb rritje p\u00ebr k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin q\u00eb vjen nga ngritja e Kin\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Ky perceptim nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht pjell\u00eb e imagjinat\u00ebs s\u00eb begat\u00eb t\u00eb politik\u00ebb\u00ebr\u00ebsve n\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb dhe jo vet\u00ebm, por bazohet n\u00eb aspekte t\u00eb matshme q\u00eb lidhen me rritjen e aft\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kin\u00ebs p\u00ebr ta projektuar fuqin\u00eb detare n\u00eb rajonin e Azi-Paq\u00ebsorit dhe n\u00eb q\u00ebllimet revizioniste t\u00eb Pekinit t\u00eb shtrira n\u00eb shum\u00eb rajone t\u00eb bot\u00ebs. S\u00eb k\u00ebndejmi, pajisja e Australis\u00eb me n\u00ebndet\u00ebse me energji b\u00ebrthamore me rreze veprimi t\u00eb gjat\u00eb, n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb zhyten leht\u00ebsisht n\u00eb thell\u00ebsi t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb oqeaneve, do t\u2019ia mund\u00ebsoj\u00eb k\u00ebsaj t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb luaj\u00eb nj\u00eb rol m\u00eb aktiv n\u00eb rajon, bashk\u00ebrisht apo n\u00eb harmoni me shtetet e tjera aleate t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb si Japonia, India apo edhe Koreja e Jugut.<\/p>\n<p>Prandaj, duket se kjo nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb l\u00ebvizja e fundit q\u00eb ShBA-ja do ta b\u00ebj\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dhe rajone t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb bot\u00ebs. Presidenti Biden do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb aleanca t\u00eb reja balancuese dhe t\u2019i p\u00ebrforcoj\u00eb ato ekzistuese kundrejt Kin\u00ebs dhe fuqis\u00eb s\u00eb saj. Por, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se do t\u00eb shohim vet\u00ebm pozicionimin e ShBA-s\u00eb kund\u00ebr Kin\u00ebs, si dy shtete t\u00eb vetme dhe t\u00eb vetmuara, kurse pjesa tjet\u00ebr e vendeve t\u00eb bot\u00ebs \u2013 sidomos e atyre shteteve q\u00eb kan\u00eb relevanc\u00eb strategjike n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim \u2013 t\u00eb rrin\u00eb anash dhe t\u00eb v\u00ebshtrojn\u00eb si spektator\u00eb \u201cgladiator\u00ebt gjeopolitik\u00eb\u201d derisa p\u00ebrleshen me nj\u00ebri-tjetrin n\u00eb aren\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb gar\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb konkurruese t\u00eb siguris\u00eb ShBA-ja do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb, me apo pa hir, edhe aleat\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm dhe me pesh\u00eb t\u00eb rajonit.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00ebn drit\u00ebn e k\u00ebtyre l\u00ebvizjeve strukturore, shteteve kudo n\u00eb bot\u00eb, por sidomos atyre n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn e Azis\u00eb, do t\u2019u duhet q\u00eb t\u2019i rivler\u00ebsojn\u00eb prioritetet dhe interesat e tyre nacional\u00eb dhe t\u2019i kalibrojn\u00eb ato n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me k\u00ebto ndryshime. Kam p\u00ebrshtypjen se q\u00ebndrimi neutral\u00a0<em>vis-\u00e0-vis<\/em>\u00a0k\u00ebtyre zhvillimeve transformuese do t\u00eb jet\u00eb luks q\u00eb shum\u00eb shtete nuk do t\u00eb mund t\u2019ia lejojn\u00eb vetes. Marrja an\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb imperativ strategjik. Edhe Australia, n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb m\u00ebnyre, u detyrua t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb zgjedhje.<\/p>\n<p>Duke qen\u00eb se Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb partneri m\u00eb i ngusht\u00eb tregtar i Australis\u00eb, kjo e fundit me vite preferonte q\u00eb t\u00eb mbante nj\u00eb raport t\u00eb balancuar n\u00eb mes t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb dhe Kin\u00ebs, duke u fokusuar thjesht n\u00eb avancimin e bashk\u00ebpunimit me t\u00eb dyja k\u00ebto vende nj\u00ebherazi. Ishte pik\u00ebrisht kryeministri i Australis\u00eb, Scott Morrison, ai i cili ra dakord p\u00ebr marr\u00ebveshjen trelaterale t\u00eb mbrojtjes, q\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2018\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.sbs.com.au\/news\/morrison-won-t-pick-sides-in-us-china-spat\/9ba69ad1-ac62-4697-bd91-39743b23ec89\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">deklaronte<\/a>\u00a0se \u201cAustralia nuk ka p\u00ebrse t\u00eb zgjedh\u00eb dhe nuk do t\u00eb zgjedh\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb mes t\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb dhe Kin\u00ebs. Ai, me nj\u00eb fines\u00eb diplomatike, konsideronte se raportet n\u00eb mes t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre dy shteteve ishin t\u00eb ndryshme dhe t\u00eb mjaft t\u00eb suksesshme. \u201cNe do t\u00eb vazhdojm\u00eb t\u00eb punojm\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb konstruktive me t\u00eb dy partner\u00ebt bazuar n\u00eb thelbin e asaj q\u00eb jan\u00eb ato marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie\u201d,\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.sbs.com.au\/news\/morrison-won-t-pick-sides-in-us-china-spat\/9ba69ad1-ac62-4697-bd91-39743b23ec89\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">deklaroi ai<\/a>, duke vazhduar se \u201cne [Australia] nuk zgjedhim midis \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve \u2013 nuk zgjedhim midis partner\u00ebve \u2013 por vazhdojm\u00eb me marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnien\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Por, p\u00ebrse vet\u00ebm pak vite m\u00eb von\u00eb situata ndryshoi: raporti i ngusht\u00eb ekonomik me Kin\u00ebn filloi t\u00eb tensionohej duksh\u00ebm deri n\u00eb akuza t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjella dhe, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, Australis\u00eb iu desh t\u00eb merrte an\u00eb, duke n\u00ebnshkruar nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb mbrojtjes me nj\u00eb vend tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb konkurrent i drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb i partnerit kryesor tregtar t\u00eb shtetit t\u00ebnd? Apo, th\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshe, pse shtetet zgjedhin t\u00eb sakrifikojn\u00eb prosperitetin ekonomik n\u00eb k\u00ebmbim t\u00eb garantimit t\u00eb siguris\u00eb? Sepse, si\u00e7 shpjegohet edhe n\u00eb nj\u00ebrin nga postulatet kryesore t\u00eb \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/wwnorton.com\/books\/9780393349276\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">realizmit ofenziv<\/a>\u201d, mbijetesa \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00ebllimi themelor i shteteve. Mbijetesa i predominon motivet e tjera t\u00eb shteteve. S\u00eb pari duhet t\u00eb garantosh sigurin\u00eb e vendit, pastaj t\u00eb preokupohesh p\u00ebr aspekte t\u00eb kooperimit eventual dhe prosperitetit ekonomik. Natyrisht, shtetet mund dhe ndjekin edhe q\u00ebllime dhe objektiva t\u00eb tjer\u00eb nj\u00ebherazi, por n\u00eb secilin rast dhe kurdoher\u00eb siguria \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Jo vet\u00ebm pakt p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtim n\u00ebndet\u00ebsesh<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Nuk ka asnj\u00eb dyshim se marr\u00ebveshja trelaterale AUKUS ka edhe r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi ekonomike p\u00ebr vendet e p\u00ebrfshira: nd\u00ebrtimi i s\u00eb paku tet\u00eb n\u00ebndet\u00ebseve me energji nukleare nuk do mend q\u00eb n\u00ebnkupton edhe n\u00ebnshkrimin e kontratave t\u00eb majme me vler\u00eb dhjet\u00ebra-miliarda dollar\u00ebsh. Gjithashtu, kjo ujdi nuk p\u00ebrfshin vet\u00ebm thjesht nd\u00ebrtim e disa n\u00ebndet\u00ebseve, por inkorporon edhe thellimin e bashk\u00ebpunimit n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e siguris\u00eb kibernetike, inteligjenc\u00ebs artificiale apo edhe teknologjive kuantike.<\/p>\n<p>Konsiderohet se vlera e k\u00ebtyre kapaciteteve dhe dijeve teknologjike \u00ebsht\u00eb jetike p\u00ebr shtetet q\u00eb d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb t\u00eb jen\u00eb aktor\u00eb ky\u00e7 n\u00eb sistemin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar n\u00eb t\u00eb tashmen dhe t\u00eb ardhmen. Por, pesha kryesore e k\u00ebtij pakti \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo strategjike. Kjo marr\u00ebveshje \u00ebsht\u00eb l\u00ebvizja m\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse, e hapur, e lexueshme dhe e vendosur q\u00eb ShBA-ja ka nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb balancuar at\u00eb q\u00eb ajo dhe vende t\u00eb tjera aleate n\u00eb rajonin e Indo-Paq\u00ebsorit e perceptojn\u00eb si nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim n\u00eb rritje nga Kina.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Australia n\u00eb \u201csandvi\u00e7 gjeopolitik\u201d Bashk\u00ebpunimi dhe interaksioni ekonomik n\u00eb mes t\u00eb Australis\u00eb dhe Kin\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb i konsideruesh\u00ebm. Ky raport i nd\u00ebrvarur filloi t\u00eb intensifikohet sidomos q\u00eb nga vitet \u201890 e tutje \u2013 periudh\u00eb kohore kjo kur edhe vet\u00eb Kina e nisi rritjen e saj dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse n\u00eb domenin ekonomik dhe penetrimin agresiv, por pa ndonj\u00eb pompozitet [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":402,"featured_media":8148,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1234,1000],"ppma_author":[688],"class_list":["post-6129","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-aukus","tag-politike-e-jashtme"],"authors":[{"term_id":688,"user_id":402,"is_guest":0,"slug":"alfred-marleku","display_name":"Alfred Marleku","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/09\/IMG_0067-min-scaled-1-e1725456797811.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Marleku","first_name":"Alfred","description":"Alfred Marleku ka p\u00ebrfunduar studimet bachelor, master dhe ato t\u00eb doktorat\u00ebs n\u00eb shkenca politike. Aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Kolegjin \u201cUBT\u201d, Fakultetin e Shkencave Politike.\r\n\r\nP\u00ebr shum\u00eb vjet ka punuar si menaxher i projekteve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb financuara nga Komisioni Evropian, USAID-i, Ambasada Amerikane etj., t\u00eb cilat fokusohen, kryesisht, n\u00eb reformat e arsimit t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim dhe zhvillim (R&amp;D); kthimin e trurit; zhvillimin e plan-programeve n\u00eb harmoni me nevojat e tregut etj. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb ka qen\u00eb i angazhuar edhe n\u00eb sektorin publik si k\u00ebshilltar politik n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebpunimit juridik nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6129","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/402"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6129"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6129\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8151,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6129\/revisions\/8151"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8148"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6129"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6129"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6129"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=6129"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}