{"id":6176,"date":"2021-09-27T16:55:04","date_gmt":"2021-09-27T14:55:04","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=6176"},"modified":"2024-12-11T17:00:57","modified_gmt":"2024-12-11T15:00:57","slug":"marredheniet-izrael-turqi-2001-2021-iv","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/marredheniet-izrael-turqi-2001-2021-iv\/","title":{"rendered":"Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Izrael-Turqi: 2001-2021 (IV)"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

A ishin zhvilluar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Turqi-Izrael n\u00eb dinamik\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebpunimit t\u00eb viteve \u201890? Si ishin zhvilluar k\u00ebto marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie n\u00eb vitet 2000? Cilat ishin krizat me p\u00ebrplasje t\u00eb ashpra gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre viteve? Si ndikuan k\u00ebto marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie n\u00eb fush\u00ebn ushtarake dhe at\u00eb ekonomike? Cili ishte ndikimi i bartjes s\u00eb Ambasad\u00ebs s\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb Jerusalem dhe intervenimet e fundit t\u00eb Izraelit ndaj palestinez\u00ebve n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Turqi-Izrael? K\u00ebto dhe t\u00eb tjera \u00e7\u00ebshtje, bashk\u00eb me nj\u00eb p\u00ebrfundim p\u00ebr k\u00ebto marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie, do t\u00eb trajtohen n\u00eb rreshtat e m\u00ebposht\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e q\u00ebndrueshme mes dy shteteve t\u00eb rifilluara n\u00eb vitet \u201890 kishin vazhduar deri n\u00eb vitin 2002. Pas k\u00ebtij viti raporti mes Turqis\u00eb dhe Izraelit kishte fituar nj\u00eb dinamik\u00eb t\u00eb re. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb ri mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrmenden tri zhvillime kryesore: i pari, Turqia kishte filluar t\u2019i p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsonte raportet me vendet fqinje dhe vendet arabe p\u00ebrs\u00ebri. I dyti, me rastin e Intifad\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb, vendimmarr\u00ebsit turq kishin filluar t\u00eb silleshin karshi Izraelit n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb kujdesshme. I fundit zhvillim, me p\u00ebrshpejtimin dhe intensifikimin e procesit t\u00eb integrimit t\u00eb Turqis\u00eb n\u00eb Bashkimin Evropian, roli i ushtris\u00eb n\u00eb politik\u00ebb\u00ebrjen turke kishte filluar t\u00eb zbehej dhe kjo n\u00ebnkuptonte q\u00eb nj\u00eb prej akter\u00ebve kryesor\u00eb n\u00eb favor t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve me Izraelin nuk do t\u00eb ishte me shum\u00eb ndikim.<\/p>\n

Si\u00e7 dihet, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet mes dy shteteve ishin asimetrike, ku atmosfera e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve varej gjithher\u00eb prej Turqis\u00eb. Kjo kishte vazhduar deri n\u00eb vitin 2009. Pas k\u00ebsaj, temperatur\u00ebn do ta p\u00ebrcaktonin t\u00eb dy vendet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb deri diku simetrike. Sa u p\u00ebrket k\u00ebtyre viteve, ndon\u00ebse marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet ekonomike kishin vazhduar t\u00eb ishin t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet politike kishin ngritje dhe zbritje t\u00eb her\u00ebpashershme.<\/p>\n

Vitet 2001-2012<\/strong><\/p>\n

Edhe para ardhjes s\u00eb Partis\u00eb s\u00eb Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe Zhvillimit (AKP) n\u00eb vitin 2002 n\u00eb pushtet, me d\u00ebshtimin e procesit t\u00eb paqes mes Izraelit dhe Palestin\u00ebs dhe si pasoj\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj t\u00eb fundit, me paraqitjen e Intifad\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb, deklaratat d\u00ebnuese t\u00eb Turqis\u00eb kund\u00ebr Izraelit kishin filluar t\u00eb jehonin. Partia e presidentit t\u00eb tanish\u00ebm t\u00eb Turqis\u00eb, Erdogan, AKP, ishte e interesuar t\u00eb zhvillonte marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb mira me Izraelin, por shkaqet e k\u00ebtij q\u00ebndrimi nuk ishin ideologjike, si\u00e7 kishte ndodhur m\u00eb her\u00ebt, por pragmatike. Megjithat\u00eb, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb periudh\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet kishin mbetur t\u00eb varura nga procesi i paqes Izrael-Palestin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb p\u00ebrmendet se Turqia kishte vazhduar t\u00eb merrte rol aktiv n\u00eb procesin e paqes, si n\u00eb rastin e vizitave t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjella t\u00eb zyrtar\u00ebve m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb shtet\u00ebror\u00eb, kishte tentuar t\u00eb mbante raporte t\u00eb nivelit t\u00eb lart\u00eb me Izraelin dhe ishte p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb planin p\u00ebr \u201cUdh\u00ebrr\u00ebfyesit e Paqes p\u00ebr Lindjen e Mesme\u201d. N\u00eb nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, n\u00eb vitin 2004, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet kishin filluar t\u00eb p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsoheshin deri n\u00eb tensionim me rastin rritjes s\u00eb dhun\u00ebs kund\u00ebr palestinez\u00ebve nga Izraeli. Ky tensionim ishte pasuar me deklarata t\u00eb forta d\u00ebnuese t\u00eb Turqis\u00eb dhe vot\u00ebs kund\u00ebr Izraelit n\u00eb OKB.<\/p>\n

Viti 2005 \u00ebsht\u00eb periudh\u00eb e rregullimit t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve mes dy shteteve dhe kjo p\u00ebr shkak q\u00eb O\u00c7P-ja pas vdekjes s\u00eb liderit historik Arafat kishte hyr\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb proces t\u00eb ristrukturimit q\u00eb ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb shkak q\u00eb dhuna t\u00eb nd\u00ebrpritej, Izraeli ishte t\u00ebrhequr nga Gaza dhe, m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja, ShBA-ja e k\u00ebrkonte nj\u00eb komunikim t\u00eb mir\u00eb mes dy aleat\u00ebve t\u00eb vet n\u00eb rajon. Raportet ishin rregulluar n\u00eb at\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim, ministri i Pun\u00ebve t\u00eb Jashtme turk, G\u00fcl, m\u00eb pas kryeministri Erdogan kishin vizituar Izraelin dhe ky i fundit e kishte mb\u00ebshtetur kandidatur\u00ebn e Turqis\u00eb p\u00ebr an\u00ebtare t\u00eb K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Sigurimit t\u00eb OKB-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Por, si\u00e7 kishte ndodhur r\u00ebndom, n\u00eb vitin 2005 marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet u tensionuan me hyrjen e fuqishme t\u00eb Hamasit n\u00eb sken\u00eb, me t\u00eb cilin Turqia kishte vendosur t\u00eb vendos\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie. P\u00ebrgjigja e Izraelit ishte e fort\u00eb. Edhe ndaj sulmeve t\u00eb Izraelit n\u00eb Gaza dhe Liban, kryeministri Erdogan ishte p\u00ebrgjigjur me nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr. Megjith\u00ebk\u00ebt\u00eb, raportet nuk ishin nd\u00ebrprer\u00eb dhe kishte edhe vizita t\u00eb her\u00ebpashershme. Kurse n\u00eb vitin 2007, me ringjalljen e procesit t\u00eb paqes ku Turqia kishte pasur rol aktiv, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet ishin zbutur p\u00ebrs\u00ebri saq\u00eb presidenti G\u00fcl kishte zhvilluar nj\u00eb takim t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt mes presidentit izraelit Perez dhe presidentit palestinez Abbas. K\u00ebt\u00eb atmosfer\u00eb t\u00eb ngroht\u00eb shpejt do ta prishnin aeroplan\u00ebt luftarak\u00eb q\u00eb kishin shkelur hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn ajrore t\u00eb Turqis\u00eb p\u00ebr ta bombarduar Sirin\u00eb. Kjo kishte marr\u00eb dimensionet e nj\u00eb krize dhe kishte p\u00ebrfunduar me k\u00ebrkimfalje nga Izraeli.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr ta kuptuar rrjedh\u00ebn e m\u00ebvonshme t\u00eb ngjarjeve \u00ebsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb theksohet fakti q\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2009 n\u00eb pushtet kishte ardhur lideri i s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme n\u00eb Izrael, Netanjahu, i cili p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonte nj\u00eb mendim politik m\u00eb t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb Palestin\u00ebs dhe politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme. Gjithashtu, duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrmendet edhe fakti q\u00eb, n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e deritashme t\u00eb zhvillimit t\u00eb raporteve mes dy vendeve, tanim\u00eb Izraeli me elit\u00ebn e re politike do t\u00eb merrte nj\u00eb rol m\u00eb proaktiv.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb seri krizash<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Vitet 2009-2010 ishin d\u00ebshmitare t\u00eb tri krizave serioze mes dy shteteve: krizat \u201cOne Minute\u201d, \u201cKolltuku i Ul\u00ebt\u201d dhe Mavi Marmara.\u00a0Kriza \u201cOne Minute\u201d<\/a>\u00a0kishte ndodhur n\u00eb nj\u00eb panel n\u00eb Davos n\u00eb mes t\u00eb kryeministrit Erdogan, presidentit Izrealit Perez dhe moderatorit t\u00eb debatit. Kryeministri Erdogan kishte k\u00ebrkuar fjal\u00ebn p\u00ebr s\u00eb dyti p\u00ebr t\u2019iu kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigjur presidentit izraelit kur moderatori po b\u00ebhej gati ta p\u00ebrfundonte panelin. Megjith\u00ebse ia kishte dh\u00ebn\u00eb fjal\u00ebn, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn Erdogan e kishte shfryt\u00ebzuar p\u00ebr ta kritikuar ashp\u00ebr Izraelin, moderatori e kishte nd\u00ebrprer\u00eb dhe i pari e kishte l\u00ebshuar panelin n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb demontrative.<\/p>\n

Kriza\u00a0Kolltuku i Ul\u00ebt<\/a>\u00a0kishte filluar me k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn e Izraelit p\u00ebr t\u2019i hequr nga transmetimi serit\u00eb \u201cAyrilik\/Ndarja\u201d dhe \u201cKurtlar Vadisi\/Lugina e Ujq\u00ebrve\u201d, t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebrfshinin skena lufte kund\u00ebr Izraelit dhe transmetoheshin n\u00eb televizionin komb\u00ebtar TRT. Turqia kishte refuzuar k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn. P\u00ebr t\u00eb diskutuar p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb tem\u00eb ishte ftuar ambasadori turk \u00c7elikkol n\u00eb Tel Aviv, i pritur nga z\u00ebvend\u00ebsministri i Jasht\u00ebm Ajalon. Ambasadori turk ishte ulur n\u00eb nj\u00eb kolltuk t\u00eb ul\u00ebt n\u00eb krahasim me pal\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr dhe ishte fyer me gjuh\u00eb jodiplomatike nga zv.ministri izraelit. Ankaraja zyrtare e kishte kund\u00ebrshtuar r\u00ebnd\u00eb nj\u00eb sjellje t\u00eb till\u00eb, duke e thirrur ambasadorin e vet n\u00eb Ankara, por tensioni u ul me rastin e k\u00ebrkimfaljes nga Izraeli.<\/p>\n

Kriza e Mavi Marmaras\u00eb ishte m\u00eb e r\u00ebnda n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb seri krizash. Ngjarja kishte ndodhur kur trupat e Izraelit kishin sulmuar anijen Mavi Marmara, q\u00eb transportonte ndihma p\u00ebr palestinez\u00ebt. Sulmi kishte ndodhur n\u00eb uj\u00ebra nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb n\u00ebn arsyetimin se anija po transportonte ndihma ushtarake. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast, 9 shtetas turq ishin vrar\u00eb. Turqia kishte reaguar shum\u00eb ashp\u00ebr dhe ia kishte parashtruar Izraelit pes\u00eb k\u00ebrkesa q\u00eb lidheshin me k\u00ebrkimfalje, shpagim t\u00eb d\u00ebmeve, ndaljen t\u00eb bllokad\u00ebs ndaj Gazas, kthim t\u00eb anijes dhe formim t\u00eb nj\u00eb komisioni nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebn presionin amerikan, vet\u00ebm dy k\u00ebrkesat e fundit ishin plot\u00ebsuar. Kjo sh\u00ebnon edhe pik\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve mes dy shteteve q\u00eb prej viteve \u201890 dhe tanim\u00eb asimetria q\u00eb favorizonte Turqin\u00eb n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me Izraelin ishte kthyer n\u00eb simetri. Nga kjo koh\u00eb e tutje, Izraeli kishte filluar t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorte nj\u00eb gjuh\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr dhe kund\u00ebrshtuese ndaj Turqis\u00eb, gj\u00eb q\u00eb nuk ishte prezente m\u00eb her\u00ebt. Kjo asimetri dhe kjo p\u00ebr\u00e7arje ishin v\u00ebrejtur edhe n\u00eb politikat rajonale, ku Izraeli dhe Turqia mbanin q\u00ebndrime t\u00eb kund\u00ebrta.<\/p>\n

Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet ushtarake dhe ekonomike<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb interesant t\u00eb p\u00ebrmendet fakti q\u00eb Turqia edhe Izraeli kishin vazhduar bashk\u00ebpunimin e ngusht\u00eb n\u00eb fush\u00ebn ushtarake deri n\u00eb vitin 2009, i cili bashk\u00ebpunim ishte vazhdim\u00ebsi dhe produkt i viteve \u201890. Kurse pas vitit 2009 ky bashk\u00ebpunim kishte filluar t\u00eb zbehej n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb drastike. Edhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet ekonomike kishin vazhduar n\u00eb rrjedh\u00ebn e viteve \u201890, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr prekjes nga krizat politike mes dy vendeve, q\u00eb kishin dob\u00ebsuar disa aspekte. P\u00ebr shembull, p\u00ebrjashto vitin 2009 q\u00eb ishte vit i kriz\u00ebs globale, shk\u00ebmbimi tregtar mes dy vendeve ishte rritur. Por, krizat kishin ndikuar ndjesh\u00ebm n\u00eb uljen e numrit t\u00eb turist\u00ebve Izraelit n\u00eb Turqi. P\u00ebrderisa n\u00eb vitin 2001 numri i turist\u00ebve izraelit\u00eb n\u00eb Turqi ishte 312.301, n\u00eb vitin 2008 558.183, n\u00eb vitin 2011 kishte r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb 79.140. Kjo periudh\u00eb edhe p\u00ebr investimet reciproke n\u00eb mes dy vendeve sh\u00ebnonte r\u00ebnie t\u00eb konsiderueshme.<\/p>\n

Vitet 2013-2021<\/strong><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr afrimeve dhe disa takimeve, shija e hidhur q\u00eb kishte l\u00ebn\u00eb kriza Mavi Marmara mund t\u00eb thuhet q\u00eb vazhdon ende. Ndon\u00ebse marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet mes dy shteteve e vazhdojn\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme n\u00eb ekonomi, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet politike mbeten t\u00eb tensionuara. Edhe p\u00ebrpjekjet nga t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebt p\u00ebr nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje ku do t\u00eb zgjidhej kjo kriz\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht mbet\u00ebn t\u00eb pafrytshme deri n\u00eb vitin 2016. N\u00eb vitin 2016, pal\u00ebt kishin n\u00ebnshkruar nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje pajtimi.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje ishte parapar\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhej kompensimi i jet\u00ebve t\u00eb humbura n\u00eb anijen Mavi Marmara nga Izraeli, kurse Turqia mund t\u2019i vazhdonte me projektet e saj n\u00eb Gaza dhe mund t\u00eb d\u00ebrgonte ndihma n\u00eb Gaza n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet Izraelit dhe Hamasi mund t\u2019i ushtronte aktivitet n\u00eb Turqi, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb vet\u00ebm dimensionin politik. Kjo gj\u00eb sh\u00ebnonte nj\u00eb hap t\u00eb mir\u00eb drejt normalizimit t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve, i cili proces kishte filluar me em\u00ebrimin e ambasador\u00ebve n\u00eb t\u00eb dy kryeqytetet, duke e rritur k\u00ebshtu nivelin e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimit. Shtimi i aktiviteteve t\u00eb organizat\u00ebs terroriste t\u00eb ashtuquajtur ISIS, interesi ekonomik dhe nd\u00ebrhyrja amerikane mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrmenden prej shkaqeve t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj marr\u00ebveshjeje.<\/p>\n

Ky proces, si zakonisht, nuk e kishte jet\u00ebn e gjat\u00eb. Vendimi i presidentit Trump n\u00eb vitin 2018 p\u00ebr ta zhvendosur ambasad\u00ebn e ShBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb Jerusalem kishte shkaktuar reagimin e menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm t\u00eb Turqis\u00eb. Presidenti Erdogan kishte t\u00ebrhequr ambasadorin turk n\u00eb Tev Aviv dhe e kishte quajtur Izraelin \u201cshtet terrorist\u201d. Izraeli e kishte p\u00ebrz\u00ebn\u00eb konsullin turk n\u00eb Jerusalem dhe kryeministri Netanjahu e kishte quajtur Turqin\u00eb mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebse t\u00eb terrorizmit, duke aluduar n\u00eb Hamasin. Gjithashtu, Turqia kishte filluar nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb kund\u00ebr Izraelit duke e akuzuar p\u00ebr gjenocid dhe krime kund\u00ebr njer\u00ebzimit. Kjo betej\u00eb akuzash kishte vazhduar me p\u00ebrgjigjen e Izraelit ndaj nd\u00ebrhyrjeve ushtarake t\u00eb Turqis\u00eb n\u00eb Siri kund\u00ebr organizat\u00ebs terroriste YPG.<\/p>\n

Kjo atmosfer\u00eb armiq\u00ebsore ishte ushqyer edhe m\u00eb tutje n\u00eb ngjarjet e fundit t\u00eb vitit 2021 n\u00eb mes Palestin\u00ebs dhe Izraelit, me \u00e7\u2019rast Izraeli kishte nd\u00ebrhyr\u00eb me dhun\u00eb n\u00eb vendbanimet e palestinez\u00ebve n\u00eb Jerusalem dhe n\u00eb namazfal\u00ebsit gjat\u00eb muajit Ramazan n\u00eb Xhamin\u00eb e Shenjt\u00eb Aksa dhe pastaj me shk\u00ebmbimin e raketave mes Izraelit dhe Hamasit. Turqia kishte reaguar ashp\u00ebr duke k\u00ebrkuar nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje dhe p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb fort\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe duke filluar nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb diplomatike intensive kund\u00ebr Izraelit. S\u00eb fundmi, presidenti Erdogan ka deklaruar q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i interesuar t\u2019i normalizoj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me Izraelin.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrfundim<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb kat\u00ebr shkrimet q\u00eb analizojn\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Izrael-Turqi duhet t\u00eb merret parasysh fakti q\u00eb shkrimet nuk m\u00ebtojn\u00eb ta japin t\u00ebr\u00eb kompleksitetin e \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve, por vet\u00ebm aspekte thelb\u00ebsore n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbledhur. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, shum\u00eb ngjarje dhe detaje me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi jan\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb jasht\u00eb, duke i p\u00ebrmendur vet\u00ebm disa pjes\u00eb ky\u00e7 t\u00eb historis\u00eb mes dy vendeve. Pra, kjo seri shkrimesh m\u00eb shum\u00eb ofron nj\u00eb kuptim t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm dhe thelb\u00ebsor n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Turqi-Izrael sesa nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb t\u00eb detajshme. Gjithsesi, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr objektivitetit q\u00eb p\u00ebrmban ky shkrim, doza e subjektivitetit \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb dhe \u00e7dokund prezente, fakt i cili l\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr kritik\u00eb.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebt\u00eb seri t\u00eb shkrimeve po e mbyllim me disa p\u00ebrfundime:<\/p>\n

E para, n\u00eb analiz\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme, sikur n\u00eb analiz\u00ebn e \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve sociale, gjithmon\u00eb ka nj\u00eb shum\u00ebsi faktor\u00ebsh q\u00eb b\u00ebhen bashk\u00eb dhe e prodhojn\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb. Faktor\u00ebt gjeopolitik\u00eb, ekonomia, vendet arabe, ShBA-ja, Rusia, Palestina, Irani, BE-ja, feja, ideologjia dhe shum\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb jan\u00eb faktor\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00ebse p\u00ebrjashtohen nuk mund t\u00eb kuptohen marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Turqi-Izrael.<\/p>\n

E dyta, p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr gjuh\u00ebs s\u00eb ashp\u00ebr dhe d\u00ebnuese dhe p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr zbehjes eventuale, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet diplomatike dhe ekonomike mes dy vendeve nuk k\u00ebputen. Si pasoj\u00eb, n\u00eb horizont nuk v\u00ebrehet ndonj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr luft\u00eb mes dy vendeve n\u00eb nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb afatshkurt\u00ebr dhe afatmesme. Shtoja k\u00ebsaj faktin q\u00eb Izraeli posedon arm\u00eb b\u00ebrthamore, nj\u00eb sulm i Turqis\u00eb ndaj Izraelit b\u00ebhet i pamundur.<\/p>\n

E treta, ndryshe prej periudh\u00ebs para vitit 2009, tanim\u00eb prish\u00ebs me ose pa arsye i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm Turqia, por edhe Izraeli. Kjo tregon p\u00ebr rolin m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm t\u00eb Izraelit n\u00eb regjion dhe n\u00eb politik\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb krahasim me periudhat paraprake, por fakti q\u00eb edhe Turqia p\u00ebrkund\u00ebr shtytjes amerikane ka rol proaktiv n\u00eb prishje tregon p\u00ebr rritjen e rolit t\u00eb Turqis\u00eb viteve t\u00eb fundit.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

A ishin zhvilluar marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet Turqi-Izrael n\u00eb dinamik\u00ebn e bashk\u00ebpunimit t\u00eb viteve \u201890? Si ishin zhvilluar k\u00ebto marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie n\u00eb vitet 2000? Cilat ishin krizat me p\u00ebrplasje t\u00eb ashpra gjat\u00eb k\u00ebtyre viteve? Si ndikuan k\u00ebto marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie n\u00eb fush\u00ebn ushtarake dhe at\u00eb ekonomike? Cili ishte ndikimi i bartjes s\u00eb Ambasad\u00ebs s\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb Jerusalem dhe intervenimet e fundit […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":542,"featured_media":10926,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1076,2013,1000,1684],"ppma_author":[2012],"class_list":["post-6176","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-izrael","tag-marredheniet-izrael-turqi","tag-politike-e-jashtme","tag-turqi"],"authors":[{"term_id":2012,"user_id":542,"is_guest":0,"slug":"andi-rexhepi","display_name":"Andi Rexhepi","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/Andi-Rexhepi.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/Andi-Rexhepi.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Rexhepi","first_name":"Andi","description":"Andi Rexhepi \u00ebsht\u00eb studiues i Marr\u00ebdhenieve Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare dhe fush\u00ebs s\u00eb jurisprodenc\u00ebs. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb angazhuar si autor i rregullt n\u00eb forumin online t\u00eb shkencave sociale n\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn turke Mana Ozu, si dhe n\u00eb disa platforma t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Aktualisht \u00ebsht\u00eb drejtor i platfom\u00ebs Autentik. Interesat e tij k\u00ebrkimore p\u00ebrfshijn\u00eb analiz\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme, politik\u00ebn nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, teorit\u00eb e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, Ideologjit\u00eb, dhe temat q\u00eb lidhen me postmodernizmin."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6176","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/542"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6176"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6176\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10927,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6176\/revisions\/10927"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10926"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6176"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6176"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6176"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=6176"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}