{"id":6280,"date":"2020-10-11T11:41:02","date_gmt":"2020-10-11T10:41:02","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=6280"},"modified":"2024-02-05T11:49:18","modified_gmt":"2024-02-05T10:49:18","slug":"pasqyre-e-sociologjise-se-intelektualit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/blogje-tematike\/pasqyre-e-sociologjise-se-intelektualit\/","title":{"rendered":"Pasqyr\u00eb e sociologjis\u00eb s\u00eb intelektualit"},"content":{"rendered":"

\u00cbsht\u00eb interesant se n\u00eb zanafill\u00ebn e tij, termi \u201cintelektual\u201d ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb fyese, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb sharje p\u00ebr ata njer\u00ebz t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs q\u00eb p\u00ebrmes nd\u00ebrhyrjes s\u00eb tyre n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs lypin popullaritet nga nj\u00eb audienc\u00eb m\u00eb e gjer\u00eb. Termi \u201cintelektual\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur qysh prej fundit t\u00eb shekullit XIX kur shkrimtari francez Emile Zola ia kishte drejtuar bot\u00ebrisht nj\u00eb let\u00ebr t\u00eb zjarrt\u00eb presidentit t\u00eb Franc\u00ebs, n\u00eb lidhje me nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb nxeht\u00eb t\u00eb koh\u00ebs: letra njihet me titullin emblematik \u201cJ\u2019accuse\u201d q\u00eb shqyrtonte nj\u00eb skandal politik q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshinte padrejt\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe antisemitizmin n\u00eb republik\u00ebn e tret\u00eb t\u00eb Franc\u00ebs, q\u00eb njihej si \u201c\u00e7\u00ebshtja e Drejfusit\u201d. Ky merret si momenti kur shkrimtari kalon kufijt\u00eb e tij dhe del n\u00eb politik\u00eb. Jo pak njer\u00ebz t\u00eb letrave n\u00eb Franc\u00ebn e koh\u00ebs ia kishin par\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb madhe Zol\u00ebs k\u00ebt\u00eb shkelje t\u00eb kufirit q\u00eb e ndan kultur\u00ebn nga politika. Mbi Zol\u00ebn r\u00ebndoi fjala fyese: \u201cintelektual\u201d, pra, diletant q\u00eb ka tradh\u00ebtuar vlerat kulturore n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb audienc\u00ebs m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb arritjes s\u00eb publicitetit dhe popullaritetit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Mir\u00ebpo, me koh\u00eb, termi u b\u00eb nofk\u00eb p\u00ebr profesionistin e fush\u00ebs s\u00eb specializimit t\u00eb tij q\u00eb ka zgjedhur t\u00eb angazhohet n\u00eb betejat politike me grupin a grupet q\u00eb ushtrojn\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri. K\u00ebshtu, sipas k\u00ebtij kuptimi, intelektual \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb person q\u00eb p\u00ebrdor dijen e specializuar t\u00eb tij\/saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtuar t\u00eb pushtetshmit q\u00eb kan\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00eb dizgjinat e politik\u00ebs, shijes dhe opinionit. Pra, nj\u00eb shkrimtar a studiues, quhet intelektual kur merr p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi shoq\u00ebrore dhe q\u00ebndrime n\u00eb lidhje me konfliktet politike t\u00eb koh\u00ebs dhe k\u00ebshtu i kontribuon zhvillimit t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijes politikwe t\u00eb grupeve t\u00eb ndryshme shoq\u00ebrore.<\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00ebsisoj, s\u00eb paku sipas nj\u00eb kuptimi t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapur n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim, intelektuali \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb person q\u00eb ka arritur kapital t\u00eb caktuar kulturor n\u00eb universin e krijimtaris\u00eb letrare a artistike ose n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e studimit dhe specializimit t\u00eb tij\/saj dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb angazhuar n\u00eb mejdanin e politik\u00ebs, ku kryen nj\u00eb akt profetik q\u00eb synon t\u00eb imponoj\u00eb n\u00eb publik vlerat t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb t\u00eb pranueshme n\u00eb universin e tij\/saj. Bie fjala, n\u00eb disa shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs Lindore t\u00eb shekullit XIX, intelektuali \u00ebsht\u00eb kuptuar si dikush q\u00eb identifikohet me ide e l\u00ebvizje intelektuale zakonisht moderniste dhe kund\u00ebr tradicionalizmit, dhe q\u00eb vetes ia atribuonin nj\u00eb mision p\u00ebrndrit\u00ebs t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrive t\u00eb prapambetura n\u00eb aspekte ideore a kulturore.<\/span><\/p>\n

Shkurt, si\u00e7 e thot\u00eb sociologu Pierre Bourdieu, intelektuali \u00ebsht\u00eb shkrimtari, artisti, shkenc\u00ebtari, i cili, n\u00eb saje t\u00eb fam\u00ebs e pranimit q\u00eb g\u00ebzon n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e tij q\u00eb e ka arrit\u00eb fal\u00eb kompetenc\u00ebs dhe autoritetit n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e tij, nd\u00ebrhyn n\u00eb aren\u00ebn politike. K\u00ebsisoj, intelektuali \u00ebsht\u00eb dikush q\u00eb i ka dy an\u00eb: ai mban diploma e tituj shkencor\u00eb\/artistik\u00eb dhe angazhohet n\u00eb politik\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Intelektuali organik – Gramsci<\/i><\/b><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e madhe e sociologjis\u00eb s\u00eb intelektual\u00ebve merret me rolin politik t\u00eb intelektual\u00ebve. Marxi dhe Engelsi i shihnin intelektual\u00ebt si t\u00eb rreshtuar n\u00eb krahun e klas\u00ebs kapitaliste n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e klasave, por q\u00eb megjithat\u00eb, nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e tyre, bashk\u00eb me nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb borgjezis\u00eb, q\u00eb ngriten n\u00eb nj\u00eb nivel nga i cili e kuptojn\u00eb teorikisht l\u00ebvizjen e historis\u00eb, do t\u00eb bashkohen me klas\u00ebn revolucionare, pra me proletariatin, n\u00eb luft\u00ebn e tyre klasore.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb konceptin majtist, t\u00eb kuptuarit e intelektualit ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me rolin social t\u00eb tij. Sipas teoricienit marksist, Antonio Gramscit, roli social i intelektualit \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00eb an\u00eb n\u00eb betejat sociale a klasore, pasi ai nuk mund t\u00eb mbes\u00eb i paansh\u00ebm dhe i t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve, pra universal. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamundur, p\u00ebr aq sa vet\u00eb shoq\u00ebria nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve, por e ndar\u00eb n\u00eb klasa. Andaj, duke qen\u00eb se intelektuali nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb jasht\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb, ai doemos i p\u00ebrket nj\u00ebr\u00ebs nga klasat e papajtueshme dhe armiq\u00ebsore t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb ose nj\u00ebr\u00ebs kategori t\u00eb identitetit grupor, ose \u201cne\u201d-s\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrie politike, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb, ta z\u00ebm\u00eb, t\u00eb kamurit, t\u00eb skamurit, pun\u00ebtor\u00ebt, pronar\u00ebt, t\u00eb papun\u00ebsuarit, t\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtuarit, grat\u00eb, burrat, etj.<\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu, pyetja q\u00eb shtrohet \u00ebsht\u00eb se k\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb intelektual kur flet n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb kolektivit? Cil\u00ebs kategori t\u00eb \u201cne\u201d-s\u00eb i takon filan intelektuali kur zbulon ose shpall \u201ct\u00eb v\u00ebrtetat\u201d? \u201cE v\u00ebrteta\u201d tek e cila arrin intelektuali nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb jasht\u00eb pushtetit q\u00eb zbulohet nga shpirt\u00ebrat e lir\u00eb. E v\u00ebrteta \u00ebsht\u00eb gj\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj bote n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn pushtetet jan\u00eb t\u00eb pranishme n\u00eb \u00e7do relacion. Intelektuali, si dikush q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb brenda k\u00ebtyre relacioneve, nuk mund t\u00eb pretendoj\u00eb t\u00eb gjej\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn universale. Atij i duhet t\u00eb vendos\u00eb se n\u00eb cil\u00ebn an\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb dhe \u00e7far\u00eb argumente do t\u00eb mbroj\u00eb a avancoj\u00eb. K\u00ebsisoj, kur flasim p\u00ebr intelektualin nuk mund t\u00eb flasim si p\u00ebr dik\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cbart\u00ebsi i s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs universale\u201d, por, si p\u00ebr nj\u00eb person i cili z\u00eb pozicion t\u00eb caktuar social dhe vendos t\u00eb b\u00ebhet vet\u00ebdija a nd\u00ebrgjegjja e klas\u00ebs. N\u00eb terminologjin\u00eb e Gramscit, ky \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cintelektuali organik\u201d, q\u00eb punon p\u00ebr t\u00eb formuar vet\u00ebdijen kulturore, ideologjike e politike t\u00eb klasave t\u00eb caktuara.<\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00ebtij lloj intelektuali i kund\u00ebrvihet \u201cintelektualit tradicional\u201d q\u00eb pretendon nj\u00eb funksion ose pozicion t\u00eb pamundur, por edhe ideologjik, p\u00ebr aq sa pretendon se \u00ebsht\u00eb i t\u00eb gjith\u00ebve, por pasi klasat nuk mund t\u00eb pajtohen, ai vet\u00ebm ushqen iluzionin e pajtimit t\u00eb tyre. K\u00ebshtu, n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, \u201cintelektuali tradicional\u201d vet\u00ebm ruan <\/span>status-quon\u00eb<\/span><\/i>, duke u v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb klas\u00ebs sunduese, p\u00ebr aq sa i kontribuon riprodhimit t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve ekzistuese shoq\u00ebrore.<\/span><\/p>\n

Problemi i p\u00ebrkufizimit t\u00eb intelektualit – Bourdieu<\/i><\/b><\/p>\n

Traditat jomarksiste nuk e konsiderojn\u00eb se q\u00ebndrimet dhe sjelljet e intelektual\u00ebve kan\u00eb taban social ose klasor, medoemos. Bie fjala, sociologu Karl Mannheim, inteligjencin\u00eb, pra intelektual\u00ebt si grup, e konsideron si \u201crelativisht t\u00eb paklas\u00eb\u201d q\u00eb z\u00eb pozit\u00eb t\u00eb zgjidhur nga klasat ose, s\u00eb paku, t\u00eb lidhur joshtr\u00ebnguar me strukturat sociale. Disi ngjash\u00ebm, m\u00eb von\u00eb, sociologu Pierre Bourdieu, argumentonte se q\u00ebndrimet e intelektual\u00ebve nuk mund t\u00eb shpjegohen ose reduktohen n\u00eb pozita klasore, por q\u00eb ato pasqyronin \u201cmanovrime politike\u201d q\u00eb synojn\u00eb arritjen dhe mbajtjen e mbizot\u00ebrimin \u201csimbolik\u201d n\u00eb fusha t\u00eb caktuara t\u00eb prodhimit kulturor.<\/span><\/p>\n

Pierre Bourdieu iu qas problemit t\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizimit t\u00eb intelektualit, duke dashur ta analizoj\u00eb at\u00eb si objekt studimi sociologjik. Ai nuk u nis nga nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizim a priori q\u00eb e p\u00ebrcakton rolin politik t\u00eb intelektualit, pasi druante se nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizim i till\u00eb i objektit studimor mund t\u00eb paragjykonte studimin mbi t\u00eb. Nj\u00eb sociologji e intelektualit, v\u00ebrente ai, duhej t\u00eb kuptonte se p\u00ebrgjigjja e pyetjes \u201ckush \u00ebsht\u00eb intelektual\u201d, p\u00ebrcaktohej nga autoriteti q\u00eb vendos se kush \u00ebsht\u00eb intelektual, e kush jo. K\u00ebshtu, sipas Bourdieus\u00eb, p\u00ebr sociologjin\u00eb, objekt studimor \u00ebsht\u00eb autoriteti q\u00eb e p\u00ebrkufizon intelektualin dhe konflikti q\u00eb shp\u00ebrthen nga betejat simbolike nd\u00ebrmjet burimeve t\u00eb autoritetit q\u00eb duan ta monopolizojn\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizuar intelektualin.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb analizat e tij t\u00eb \u201cbetejave\u201d t\u00eb tilla n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb gar\u00ebs p\u00ebr autoritetin p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizuar format legjitime t\u00eb prodhimit shkencor dhe kulturor, Bourdieu identifikon intelektual\u00ebt e etabluar, konservuesit e dijes ose kultur\u00ebs, n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb, dhe sfiduesit e tyre, krijuesit e dijes dhe kultur\u00ebs, n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr. T\u00eb par\u00ebt ndjekin strategji konservatore q\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me riprodhimin dhe transmetimin e dijes s\u00eb trash\u00ebguar e t\u00eb pranuar tradicionalisht, nd\u00ebrsa e t\u00eb dyt\u00ebt ndjekin strategji subversive q\u00eb sfidon dijen e trash\u00ebguar dhe shpik forma t\u00eb reja t\u00eb dijes duke u sh\u00ebrbyer me qasje, koncepte, metoda e teori t\u00eb reja ose t\u00eb pap\u00ebrdorura m\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb fusha e \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb caktuara studimore. Nga lloji i par\u00eb jan\u00eb arsimtar\u00ebt, nd\u00ebrsa nga t\u00eb dyt\u00ebt, hulumtuesit shkencor\u00eb dhe intelektual\u00ebt e pavarur.<\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu nuk mund t\u00eb mos v\u00ebrehet nj\u00eb ngjashm\u00ebri me dallimin q\u00eb sociologu Max Weber kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet \u201cprift\u00ebrinjve\u201d dhe \u201cprofet\u00ebve\u201d n\u00eb studimin e fes\u00eb: t\u00eb par\u00ebt ruajn\u00eb status quon\u00eb dhe forcojn\u00eb fen\u00eb e etabluar, nd\u00ebrsa t\u00eb dyt\u00ebt e sfidojn\u00eb at\u00eb, k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb ndryshimin e saj ose themelojn\u00eb fe t\u00eb re. Vet\u00eb Bourdieu sh\u00ebrbehet me koncepte teologjike p\u00ebr t\u00eb em\u00ebrtuar k\u00ebto objekte studimi, teksa flet p\u00ebr \u201cortodoksin\u00eb\u201d q\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet nga konservuesit dhe \u201cheterodoksin\u00eb\u201d q\u00eb mbrohet nga krijuesit. N\u00eb analiz\u00eb t\u00eb fundit, del se p\u00ebrkufizimet e intelektualit kan\u00eb karakter historik dhe politik, p\u00ebr aq sa rezultojn\u00eb nga betejat simbolike n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e prodhimit kulturor p\u00ebr t\u00eb legjitimuar p\u00ebrkufizime t\u00eb caktuara t\u00eb intelektualit nga grupe kund\u00ebrshtare.<\/span><\/p>\n

———–<\/span><\/p>\n

Referencat:<\/b><\/p>\n

– Pierre Bourdieu, <\/span>Homo Academicus.<\/span><\/i>
\n<\/span><\/i>– Pierre Bourdieu, \u201cThe field of cultural production\u201d.<\/span>
\n<\/span>– Pierre Bourdieu, \u201cThe Role of Intellectuals Today\u201d.<\/span>
\n<\/span>– Antonio Gramsci, Selections From the <\/span>Prison Notebooks.<\/span><\/i>
\n<\/span><\/i>– Karl Mannheim, <\/span>Ideology and Utopia: An Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge<\/span><\/i>.<\/span>
\n<\/span>– Karl Marks dhe Fridrih Engels, <\/span>Manifesti i Partis\u00eb Komuniste<\/span><\/i>.<\/span>
\n<\/span>– Max Weber, <\/span>The<\/span><\/i> Sociology of Religion<\/span><\/i>.<\/span><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u00cbsht\u00eb interesant se n\u00eb zanafill\u00ebn e tij, termi \u201cintelektual\u201d ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb fyese, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb sharje p\u00ebr ata njer\u00ebz t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs q\u00eb p\u00ebrmes nd\u00ebrhyrjes s\u00eb tyre n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e politik\u00ebs lypin popullaritet nga nj\u00eb audienc\u00eb m\u00eb e gjer\u00eb. Termi \u201cintelektual\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur qysh prej fundit t\u00eb shekullit XIX kur shkrimtari francez Emile Zola ia kishte […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":196,"featured_media":6281,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[954,955,953],"ppma_author":[700],"class_list":["post-6280","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-blogje-tematike","tag-filozofi","tag-kulture","tag-sociologji"],"authors":[{"term_id":700,"user_id":196,"is_guest":0,"slug":"gezim-selaci","display_name":"G\u00ebzim Selaci","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/1-1-e1728652765257.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/10\/1-1-e1728652765257.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Selaci","first_name":"G\u00ebzim","description":"G\u00ebzimi Selaci \u00ebsht\u00eb ligj\u00ebrues n\u00eb Departamentin e Sociologjis\u00eb n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs. Ka studiuar Sociologji dhe Teori politike n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb, Lond\u00ebr dhe Budapest. Specializimi i tij ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me legjitimimin e pushtetit dhe nd\u00ebrtimin e shtetit. Interesimi i tij p\u00ebrq\u00ebndrohet tek politika dhe pushteti n\u00eb shoq\u00ebri nga perspektiva nd\u00ebrdisiplinore dhe shtrihet tek t\u00eb kuptuarit e pranimit\/mospranimit t\u00eb autoritetit, dinamik\u00ebs s\u00eb identiteteve kolektive, si dhe aktivizmit politik."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6280","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/196"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6280"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6280\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6282,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6280\/revisions\/6282"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/6281"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6280"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6280"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6280"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=6280"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}