{"id":6931,"date":"2024-04-30T15:10:23","date_gmt":"2024-04-30T14:10:23","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=6931"},"modified":"2024-07-23T15:30:40","modified_gmt":"2024-07-23T14:30:40","slug":"ndryshimi-i-rrethanave-politike-si-pasoje-e-prioriteteve-te-politikes-amerikane-rasti-i-kurdeve-dhe-mesimet-per-kosoven","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/ndryshimi-i-rrethanave-politike-si-pasoje-e-prioriteteve-te-politikes-amerikane-rasti-i-kurdeve-dhe-mesimet-per-kosoven\/","title":{"rendered":"Ndryshimi i rrethanave politike si pasoj\u00eb e prioriteteve t\u00eb politik\u00ebs amerikane: rasti i kurd\u00ebve dhe m\u00ebsimet p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Aspiratat e popujve t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm t\u00eb bot\u00ebs p\u00ebr liri e pavar\u00ebsi shpesh jan\u00eb t\u00eb bllokuara nga aspektet e realpolitik\u00ebs dhe rrethanave gjeopolitike. Sot, n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur paradigma e siguris\u00eb dominon politikat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, parimet dhe e drejta kan\u00eb tendenc\u00eb t\u00eb lihen m\u00ebnjan\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkujtim q\u00eb rreshtimi i duhur nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, partneritetet strategjike dhe aleancat n\u00eb organizata nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare jan\u00eb t\u00eb domosdoshme p\u00ebr ruajtjen e siguris\u00eb dhe stabilitetit.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Megjithat\u00eb, kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebrisht gjithmon\u00eb e sakt\u00eb. Rreshtimi p\u00ebrkrah aleat\u00ebve nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb formula e duhur p\u00ebr sukses. P\u00ebrpjekjet e popullit kurd dhe ish-liderit t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Demokratike t\u00eb Kurdistanit, Mustafa Barzani, gjat\u00eb viteve \u201870, e ilustrojn\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Kurd\u00ebt jan\u00eb nj\u00eb grup etnik q\u00eb num\u00ebron rreth 30 milion\u00eb njer\u00ebz. Njihet gjer\u00ebsisht si grupi m\u00eb i madh etnik n\u00eb bot\u00eb pa shtet t\u00eb tyre. Gjithashtu, kurd\u00ebt jan\u00eb me shumic\u00eb t\u00eb besimit islam, t\u00eb sektit sunni. Harta moderne e Kurdistanit p\u00ebrfshin pjes\u00eb t\u00eb Turqis\u00eb Lindore, Siris\u00eb Veriore, Irakut Verior dhe Iranit Veriper\u00ebndimor. Popullsia kurde njihet si n\u00eb Irak, ashtu edhe n\u00eb Iran, pasi kurd\u00ebt n\u00eb Irakun Verior kan\u00eb krijuar me sukses qeverin\u00eb e tyre autonome.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I ndar\u00eb mes shum\u00eb shtetesh, populli kurd \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrballur me shum\u00eb armiq n\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb shtetet ku banojn\u00eb aktualisht. Gjithashtu, shumica e vendeve arabe jan\u00eb treguar jomiq\u00ebsore me popullin kurd. Kurse miqt\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj t\u00eb popullit kurd jan\u00eb ShBA-ja dhe Britania e Madhe.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"\/sr\/blank\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mulla Mustafa Barzani<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> ishte gjeneral dhe udh\u00ebheq\u00ebs i kurd\u00ebve t\u00eb Irakut, nj\u00eb lider q\u00eb kishte luftuar me dekada t\u00eb t\u00ebra p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e popullit kurd t\u00eb Irakut dhe q\u00eb kishte tentuar ta shtynte p\u00ebrpara aspirat\u00ebn p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsi kurde, i p\u00ebrkrahur edhe nga ShBA-ja dhe vende t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb periudha t\u00eb caktuara kohore.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Megjithat\u00eb, at\u00ebbot\u00eb, Barzani gjendej para nj\u00eb situate t\u00eb pashpres\u00eb. I mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb aleanc\u00ebn e Iranit p\u00ebr furnizim me arm\u00eb, ndihma dhe resurse t\u00eb tjera, e po ashtu p\u00ebr l\u00ebvizje p\u00ebrtej kufirit, dhe i fokusuar te bashk\u00ebpunimi amerikan, papritur ngeli pa mb\u00ebshtetjen e asnj\u00ebr\u00ebs.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Kjo ndodhi sepse n\u00eb margjinat e nj\u00eb konference p\u00ebr krer\u00ebt e shteteve t\u00eb Organizat\u00ebs s\u00eb Vendeve Eksportuese t\u00eb Naft\u00ebs (OPEC), m\u00eb <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/treaties.un.org\/doc\/Publication\/UNTS\/Volume%201017\/volume-1017-I-14903-English.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">5 mars 1975, n\u00ebnshkruhet marr\u00ebveshja e njohur si Marr\u00ebveshja e Algjerit<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, n\u00eb mes t\u00eb presidentit t\u00eb Irakut, Saddam Hussein, dhe Shah-ut t\u00eb Iranit, Muhammed Reza Pahlavi. Marr\u00ebveshja p\u00ebrfshinte ndaljen e furnizimit me arm\u00eb dhe resurse p\u00ebr kurd\u00ebt, mbylljen e kufirit dhe nj\u00eb ristrukturim t\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve Irak-Iran.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Marr\u00ebveshjen nuk e kund\u00ebrshtoi as Sekretari i Shtetit Amerikan, Henry Kissinger. Ndon\u00ebse shprehu nj\u00eb lloj frustrimi me situat\u00ebn e krijuar, ai e lexoi situat\u00ebn si nj\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebri e realpolitik\u00ebs dhe prioritizoi interesat nacional\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb tij. Kjo pasi Irani dhe stabiliteti n\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme p\u00ebrb\u00ebnin nj\u00eb nga prioritetet kryesore t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme amerikane.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">N\u00eb k\u00ebto rrethana politike, aspiratat e popullit kurd p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsi nuk ishin prioritet. Si pasoj\u00eb, revolta kurde p\u00ebsoi goditje fatale, duke prodhuar nj\u00eb eksod kurd n\u00eb Iran s\u00eb bashku me Barzanin. I shtyr\u00eb nga kjo situat\u00eb, Barzani udh\u00ebton n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb gjysm\u00eb sekrete n\u00eb Uashington D.C., m\u00eb 1975, n\u00eb tentim t\u00eb d\u00ebshp\u00ebruar p\u00ebr t\u2019i ndryshuar rrethanat p\u00ebr popullin e tij.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Gjat\u00eb vizit\u00ebs s\u00eb tij, Barzani p\u00ebrballet p\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00ebn her\u00eb me realitetin e ashp\u00ebr t\u00eb politik\u00ebs amerikane. Ai nuk mund ta siguroj\u00eb asnj\u00eb takim t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm me vendimmarr\u00ebs, p\u00ebrpos me disa miq kongresmen\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Nga dokumentet e CIA-s t\u00eb vitit 1976 \u00ebsht\u00eb dokumentuar nj\u00eb let\u00ebr e pan\u00ebnshkruar dhe pa adres\u00eb, e q\u00eb besohet se \u00ebsht\u00eb e Sekretarit t\u00eb Shtetit, Henry Kissinger, drejtuar Barzanit p\u00ebrmes kanaleve t\u00eb komunikimit t\u00eb agjencis\u00eb s\u00eb inteligjenc\u00ebs. Letra p\u00ebrfundon si vijon:<\/span><\/p>\n<h5><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u201c<\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I dashur Gjeneral,<\/span><\/i><\/h5>\n<h5><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">N\u00ebse d\u00ebshironi t\u00eb d\u00ebrgoni nj\u00eb emisar t\u00eb besuar n\u00eb Uashington p\u00ebr t&#8217;i dh\u00ebn\u00eb Qeveris\u00eb s\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb informacione t\u00eb m\u00ebtejshme rreth situat\u00ebs, do t\u00eb ishim t\u00eb nderuar dhe t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur ta pranonim at\u00eb. Jam i bindur se fsheht\u00ebsia ka qen\u00eb e nj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsie t\u00eb madhe n\u00eb ruajtjen e aft\u00ebsis\u00eb son\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb kemi b\u00ebr\u00eb; \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye \u2013 si dhe shqet\u00ebsimi yn\u00eb p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb tuaj personale \u2013 q\u00eb un\u00eb hezitoj t\u00eb sugjeroj nj\u00eb takim personal k\u00ebtu me ju. Mezi pres t\u00eb d\u00ebgjoj nga ju.<\/span><\/i><\/h5>\n<h5><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ju lutem, pranoni urimet e mia m\u00eb t\u00eb sinqerta dhe vler\u00ebsimin e lart\u00eb\u201d.<\/span><\/i><\/h5>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ndon\u00ebse kurd\u00ebt p\u00ebsuan goditje t\u00eb madhe nga ky bojkotim amerikan n\u00eb vitin 1975, Kurdistani i Irakut dhe kurd\u00ebt n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi vazhduan t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebnin interes p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn e jashtme amerikane. Kjo u d\u00ebshmua m\u00eb <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov\/news\/releases\/2005\/10\/20051025-7.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">2005<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> dhe <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov\/news\/releases\/2008\/10\/20081029-3.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">2008<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, n\u00eb takimin e presidentit George W. Bush me Massoud Barzanin, presidentin e Qeveris\u00eb Rajonale t\u00eb Kurdistanit, q\u00eb u konsiderua si nj\u00eb takim historik.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">S\u00eb fundmi, Sekretari Amerikan <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/kurdistanchronicle.com\/babat\/2981?fbclid=IwAR0ouUUSWaO20-%20Cn1q4nvdmGumzkGsDP3FMOvIFKg9ycF363Q_tl4cac4Tw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Anthony Blinken rikonfirmoi r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb e bashk\u00ebpunimit<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> me kurd\u00ebt p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb rajonale n\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme, sidomos pas k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb Iranit. Tashm\u00eb <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/gov.krd\/english\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Qeveria Rajonale e Kurdistanit<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> \u00ebsht\u00eb partner strategjik i ShBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb frenimin e Iranit.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Historia e kurd\u00ebve, aspiratat p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsi dhe navigimi i brisht\u00eb mes interesave gjeopolitik\u00eb n\u00eb Lindjen e Mesme jan\u00eb m\u00ebsime t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, nga t\u00eb cilat duhet t\u00eb m\u00ebsoj\u00eb Kosova.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>M\u00ebsimet p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn<\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Edhe pse Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rast krejt\u00ebsisht tjet\u00ebr dhe ka dallime p\u00ebrmbajtjesore me realitetin kurd n\u00eb shum\u00eb aspekte, ngjashm\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb te p\u00ebrpjekjet p\u00ebr liri dhe pavar\u00ebsi. Me gjith\u00eb ngjashm\u00ebrit\u00eb dhe dallimet, jan\u00eb disa m\u00ebsime q\u00eb mund t\u00eb nxirren p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">S\u00eb pari, leximi i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme amerikane dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhet me gjakftoht\u00ebsi dhe takt. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, mb\u00ebshtetja amerikane dhe partneriteti afatgjat\u00eb nuk duhet t\u00eb trajtohen si di\u00e7ka e mir\u00ebqen\u00eb. Me ndryshimin e rrethanave gjeopolitike, mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb edhe ndryshim t\u00eb kursit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs amerikane, rrjedhimisht relevanca dhe r\u00ebnd\u00ebsia e nj\u00eb vendi ose rajoni mund t\u00eb mos jen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb n\u00eb nivelin e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">S\u00eb dyti, n\u00eb situata t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, si pjes\u00eb e skenarit pesimist t\u00eb \u00e7do vendimmarr\u00ebsi duhet t\u00eb z\u00ebr\u00eb vend edhe zbehja potenciale e mb\u00ebshtetjes amerikane, e q\u00eb si d\u00ebm kolateral mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb dob\u00ebsimi i pozit\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Ndryshimet e qasjes s\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb ShBA-s\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkan mund t\u00eb mos jen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb t\u00eb favorshme p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn. Por, n\u00eb pamund\u00ebsi t\u00eb ndikimit direkt t\u00eb k\u00ebtyre politikave, p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn mbetet par\u00ebsor zgjerimi i partneritetit, <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.evropaelire.org\/a\/kosova-blerje-armatim-javelin-\/32772142.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">sidomos n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e siguris\u00eb me ShBA-n\u00eb<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">S\u00eb treti, koordinimi n\u00eb raste t\u00eb caktuara edhe p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb brendshme duhet t\u00eb trajtohet si domosdoshm\u00ebri e koh\u00ebs, e jo si nd\u00ebrhyrje n\u00eb sovranitetin e vendit. Ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht tani, n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur siguria globale dhe rajonale jan\u00eb t\u00eb brishta dhe ndikimet malinje jan\u00eb evidente nga shtete autoritare.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">S\u00eb kat\u00ebrti, aspekti i siguris\u00eb territoriale s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb i lidhur ngusht\u00eb me <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/apnews.com\/article\/kosovo-serbia-kfor-%20nato-tension-border-kurti-bf141c89dfd3a70dfa4a0c9efac9acb9\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">misionin e KFOR-it n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> dhe rolin e ShBA-s\u00eb si nj\u00eb nga akter\u00ebt kryesor\u00eb t\u00eb siguris\u00eb n\u00eb Europ\u00eb. Kjo madje d\u00ebshmohet edhe nga <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/world-%20news\/2024\/03\/19\/albin-kurti-britain-send-troops-kosovo-serbia-invasion\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">kryeministri Kurti<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, q\u00eb e n\u00ebnvizon p\u00ebrher\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fakt.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Th\u00ebn\u00eb k\u00ebto, <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=LPPd_jhjIH0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">konfrontimi i hapur me partner\u00eb<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, sidomos n\u00eb rrethanat aktuale, nuk e zbut hendekun e q\u00ebndrimeve mes pal\u00ebve. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, konfrontimi \u00ebsht\u00eb gabim strategjik dhe nuk ndihmon n\u00eb konsolidimin e legjitimitetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Aspiratat e popujve t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm t\u00eb bot\u00ebs p\u00ebr liri e pavar\u00ebsi shpesh jan\u00eb t\u00eb bllokuara nga aspektet e realpolitik\u00ebs dhe rrethanave gjeopolitike. Sot, n\u00eb koh\u00ebn kur paradigma e siguris\u00eb dominon politikat nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, parimet dhe e drejta kan\u00eb tendenc\u00eb t\u00eb lihen m\u00ebnjan\u00eb. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkujtim q\u00eb rreshtimi i duhur nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, partneritetet strategjike dhe aleancat n\u00eb [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":443,"featured_media":6934,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[988,972,1018,1000],"ppma_author":[1017],"class_list":["post-6931","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-ballkani-perendimor","tag-kosove","tag-kurdistan","tag-politike-e-jashtme"],"authors":[{"term_id":1017,"user_id":443,"is_guest":0,"slug":"arber-fetahu","display_name":"Arber Fetahu","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/foto-sbunker-2-e1778849229852.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/07\/foto-sbunker-2-e1778849229852.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Fetahu","first_name":"Arber","description":"Arb\u00ebr Fetahu \u00ebsht\u00eb  i diplomuar MA n\u00eb Studime Globale\/Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare n\u00eb Universitetin Shtet\u00ebror t\u00eb Missourit, SHBA si pjes\u00eb e Programit t\u00eb Udh\u00ebheqjes Transformuese t\u00eb USAID-it. Studimet BA p\u00ebr shkenca politike i ka p\u00ebrfunduar n\u00eb Universitetin e Prishtin\u00ebs. Ka punuar si  Hulumtues n\u00eb Grupin p\u00ebr Studime Juridike dhe Politike \u2013 GLPS.Puna e tij ka qen\u00eb  e fokusuar kryesisht n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme, dialogun nd\u00ebrmjet Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb, integrimin evropian dhe qeverisjen. Arb\u00ebri \u00ebsht\u00eb  autor i nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb analizave dhe ka bashk\u00ebpunuar me think-tank europian\u00eb si European Council on Foreign Relations - ECFR, Aspen Institute n\u00eb Gjermani dhe Clingendael n\u00eb Holand\u00eb. Aktualisht punon si Koordinator i Granteve n\u00eb Fondacionin Kosovar p\u00ebr Shoq\u00ebri Civile \u2013 KCSF. 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