{"id":7625,"date":"2021-02-01T10:30:57","date_gmt":"2021-02-01T08:30:57","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=7625"},"modified":"2024-09-12T10:33:45","modified_gmt":"2024-09-12T08:33:45","slug":"zgjerimi-i-be-se-nje-objektiv-frymezues-qe-po-largohet-vazhdimisht","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/zgjerimi-i-be-se-nje-objektiv-frymezues-qe-po-largohet-vazhdimisht\/","title":{"rendered":"Zgjerimi i BE-s\u00eb – nj\u00eb objektiv frym\u00ebzues q\u00eb po largohet vazhdimisht"},"content":{"rendered":"

N\u00eb vitin 2020, asnj\u00eb nga gjasht\u00eb shtetet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor nuk ka b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrparim n\u00eb procesin e\u00a0integrimit<\/a>\u00a0<\/strong>evropian. \u00cbsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb q\u00eb ata mund t\u00eb kishin b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb, por kjo ende ngre pyetjen n\u00ebse vet\u00eb procesi “funksionon” n\u00eb rast se askush nuk p\u00ebrparon dhe shum\u00eb vende nuk p\u00ebrparojn\u00eb p\u00ebr vite, dekada. Veprimet e gabuara nga t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebt kan\u00eb \u00e7uar n\u00eb nj\u00eb mosbesim t\u00eb nd\u00ebrsjell\u00eb, i cili reflektohet n\u00eb reforma.<\/strong><\/p>\n

M\u00eb kujtohet n\u00eb vitin 2014 se si deklarata e Zhan Kllod Junker (Jean-Claude Juncker), i cili, kur u zgjodh president i Komisionit Evropian, tha se nuk do t\u00eb kishte\u00a0zgjerim<\/a>\u00a0t\u00eb Bashkimit Evropian deri n\u00eb vitin 2020, nj\u00eb deklarat\u00eb q\u00eb kishte nj\u00eb ndikim negativ n\u00eb vitin 2014. Reagimet nga t\u00eb gjitha pal\u00ebt ishin aq t\u00eb ashpra saq\u00eb ai m\u00eb von\u00eb u p\u00ebrpoq ta zbuste at\u00eb deklarat\u00eb. Sidoqoft\u00eb, ja ku jemi n\u00eb vitin 2021 dhe zgjerimi nuk po shihet askund as tani.<\/p>\n

Presidenca gjermane nuk i p\u00ebrmbushi pritjet<\/strong><\/h5>\n

Presidenca gjermane e Bashkimit Evropian, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 synimeve dhe p\u00ebrpjekjeve m\u00eb t\u00eb mira, nuk arriti t\u00eb jap\u00eb frym\u00ebzimin e pritur t\u00eb aderimit t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs Juglindore n\u00eb Bashkimin Evropian, por vet\u00ebm i shp\u00ebtoi ato marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie nga nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsim m\u00eb serioz. Vet\u00ebm ky fakt flet shum\u00eb rreth asaj se sa probleme jan\u00eb n\u00ebn sip\u00ebrfaqe dhe sa rezistenc\u00eb ka nga vendet an\u00ebtare ndaj ides\u00eb s\u00eb zgjerimit t\u00eb m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm. Shum\u00eb aktor\u00eb n\u00eb Bashkimin Evropian nuk besojn\u00eb se Ballkani do t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb vende serioze me shtetin e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs. Ata dyshojn\u00eb p\u00ebr ne, ne gjithashtu dyshojm\u00eb p\u00ebr ta, se ata do t\u00eb “na lejojn\u00eb t\u00eb futemi brenda<\/a>” ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb atmosfer\u00eb t\u00eb till\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb mbash entuziazmin evropian. Sidoqoft\u00eb, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb akoma rruga m\u00eb e mir\u00eb p\u00ebr ne, nga t\u00eb gjitha t\u00eb mundshmet.<\/p>\n

Ne mund t\u00eb themi p\u00ebr Komisionin Evropian dhe Parlamentin Evropian se ata sinqerisht besojn\u00eb n\u00eb \u00ebndrr\u00ebn evropiane t\u00eb unitetit, solidaritetit dhe nj\u00eb Evrope t\u00eb bashkuar dhe se ata po punojn\u00eb n\u00eb\u00a0m\u00ebnyr\u00eb aktive<\/a>\u00a0p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor pjes\u00eb t\u00eb Bashkimit, atje ku e ka vendin. Megjithat\u00eb, historia e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve tregon se k\u00ebto institucione nuk kan\u00eb fuqi t\u00eb mjaftueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbajtur premtimet e b\u00ebra sepse vendet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb i mbajn\u00eb vendimet n\u00eb duart e tyre. Me vendime t\u00eb padrejta jan\u00eb p\u00ebrballur jo vet\u00ebm nga Maqedonia e Veriut dhe Shqip\u00ebria, por edhe Kosova, n\u00eb lidhje me liberalizimin e vizave, por edhe Bosnja dhe Hercegovina, e cila ende nuk ka madje as statusin e vendit kandidat. Mali i Zi dhe Serbia kan\u00eb filluar t\u00eb \u00e7alojn\u00eb p\u00ebr vite me rradh\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb sekret q\u00eb Franca, Danimarka, Hollanda, Spanja dhe t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn dy-tre shtete t\u00eb tjera an\u00ebtare kan\u00eb nj\u00eb q\u00ebndrim t\u00eb rezervuar ndaj k\u00ebsaj teme dhe po llogarisin te nj\u00ebri-tjetri se procesi do t\u00eb ngadal\u00ebsohet dhe do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet m\u00eb i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb. Kulmi i ngecjes mund t\u00eb shihet nga fakti se n\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit 2020, nuk u miratuan Konkluzionet mbi procesin e zgjerimit\/stabilizimit dhe asociimit. Konkluzionet jan\u00eb bllokuar n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin e Ministrave dhe nuk ka asgj\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb n\u00eb to dhe ato nuk p\u00ebrmbajn\u00eb ndonj\u00eb detyrim ligjor – as p\u00ebr BE-n\u00eb dhe as p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, por p\u00ebrkundrazi kan\u00eb nj\u00eb karakter motivues dhe mbajn\u00eb lidhjen e brisht\u00eb\u00a0midis Bashkimit<\/a>\u00a0dhe nesh.<\/p>\n

\"VlezotBurimi: europeanwesternbalkans.com<\/p>\n

Bllokad\u00eb e re p\u00ebr Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut dhe Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb<\/strong><\/h5>\n

Megjith\u00ebse rajoni yn\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00ebsuar me jokonzistenc\u00ebn n\u00eb zbatimin e Strategjis\u00eb s\u00eb zgjerimit, lajmi p\u00ebr bllokad\u00ebn e fundit t\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb nj\u00eb mosmarr\u00ebveshje dypal\u00ebshe me Bullgarin\u00eb ka zbraz\u00eb nj\u00eb injeksion t\u00eb ri t\u00eb pashpres\u00ebs n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e BE-s\u00eb me-Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor. Gjermania e fuqishme nuk arriti t\u00eb “ubus\u00eb” pozicionin e Bullgaris\u00eb dhe kjo t\u00eb kujton shum\u00eb kok\u00ebfort\u00ebsin\u00eb e Greqis\u00eb, e cila e ka mbajtur Maqedonin\u00eb n\u00ebn bllokad\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb. K\u00ebto vendime jan\u00eb plot t\u00eb pakuptimta, iracionalite, kryesisht sepse hapja e negociatave n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb nuk ka ndonj\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb madhe. Mali i Zi e ka fituar korniz\u00ebn e negociatave tet\u00eb vjet m\u00eb par\u00eb dhe nuk ka garanci se do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb negociatat. Korniza negociuese \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb formalitet, hapi i par\u00eb n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e madhe q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ndjekim, nj\u00eb rruge q\u00eb nuk mund t\u2019i shikohet\u00a0fundi<\/a>. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim, pritet q\u00eb Metodologjia e re e negociatave t\u00eb ndihmoj\u00eb q\u00eb procesi t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb thelb\u00ebsor dhe politik dhe jo vet\u00ebm\u00a0teknokratik<\/a>, sikur ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dominuese deri m\u00eb tani. Sidoqoft\u00eb, nj\u00eb vit pas miratimit t\u00eb saj, ajo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrpunuar n\u00eb detaje, madje as nuk ka filluar zbatimi i saj.<\/p>\n

Thelbi i bllokad\u00ebs s\u00eb Maqedonis\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb \u00e7do shtet an\u00ebtar mund n\u00eb \u00e7do koh\u00eb t\u00eb “shpik\u00eb” nj\u00eb kriter t\u00eb ri, nj\u00eb kriter q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr natyr\u00ebn e negociatave, i cili ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me legjislacionin evropian, qeverisjen e mir\u00eb, sundimin e ligjit, t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut, cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e demokracis\u00eb. Kjo sjell\u00eb pasiguri, paparashikueshm\u00ebri n\u00eb proces dhe minon besimin. Bllokimi i shtetit aspirant n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb \u00e7astit (ad hoc<\/em>), si\u00e7 jan\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet dypal\u00ebshe dhe interpretimet e ndryshme t\u00eb historis\u00eb, kultur\u00ebs, identitetit, nuk kan\u00eb vend absolutisht n\u00eb “politik\u00ebn e kusht\u00ebzimit”. Vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse ka ndonj\u00eb q\u00ebllim, q\u00eb negociatat t\u00eb zgjasin n\u00eb rrug\u00eb pafund.<\/p>\n

Shum\u00eb \u201eshkopinj\u201c, e pak \u201ekarrota\u201c<\/strong><\/h5>\n

“Veprimet<\/a>” jasht\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb planifikuar t\u00eb zgjerimit dhe metodologjis\u00eb s\u00eb vendosur po ndodhin vazhdimisht, dhe ky fakt \u00ebsht\u00eb mjaft d\u00ebshp\u00ebrues dhe demotivon ata q\u00eb po punojn\u00eb p\u00ebr transformimin e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor n\u00eb nj\u00eb mjedis t\u00eb zhvilluar dhe progresiv. P\u00ebrse? Procesi i an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit \u00ebsht\u00eb i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb dhe k\u00ebrkon q\u00eb vendet tona t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb, t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsohen, t\u00eb heqin dor\u00eb nga praktikat e tyre problematike, t\u00eb ngushtojn\u00eb vullnetin e lider\u00ebve autoritar\u00eb dhe duke b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb, ata n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb dyshojn\u00eb se do t\u00eb shp\u00ebrblehen me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb. Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor po negocion sipas kritereve m\u00eb t\u00eb rrepta deri m\u00eb tani nga t\u00eb gjitha vendet q\u00eb jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb an\u00ebtare, megjith\u00ebse disa prej tyre madje nuk i kan\u00eb miratuar vet\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha standardet. BE-ja duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb mir\u00ebkuptim p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb realitet dhe, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 “shkopinjve” me t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nd\u00ebshkon vendet kur nuk p\u00ebrmbushin detyrat e tyre, duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb “karrota” me t\u00eb cilat do t\u2019i shp\u00ebrblejn\u00eb vendet kur n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb arrijn\u00eb rezultate.<\/p>\n

Ndaj k\u00ebtij argumenti, dikush nga BE-ja zakonisht do t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjet “por ju duhet t\u00eb zbatoni reformat p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebn tuaj”. Po, absolutisht. Sidoqoft\u00eb, kushdo q\u00eb e thot\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb nuk e kupton se sa fuqi josh\u00ebse, si fenomen, \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb vetvete dhe sa e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb heq\u00ebsh dor\u00eb vullnetarisht nga nj\u00eb ep\u00ebrsi kaq e madhe q\u00eb pushtetar\u00ebt e Ballkanit kan\u00eb n\u00eb duart e tyre. \u00c7do reform\u00eb e suksesshme \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb thelb nj\u00eb heqje dor\u00eb me vet\u00ebdije, nj\u00eb ulje e p\u00ebrqendrimit t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb, futje e rregullave, parashikueshm\u00ebri, kontroll, baraspesh\u00eb, distribuim fuqie dhe pushteti.<\/p>\n

Natyrisht, reformat jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr veten ton\u00eb, p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt, por \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu nj\u00eb fakt q\u00eb presioni dhe “k\u00ebrkesa” p\u00ebr reformat n\u00eb vendet tona \u00ebsht\u00eb e vog\u00ebl, e pamjaftueshme, q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha partit\u00eb politike t\u00eb secil\u00ebs qeveri dhe secila rrym\u00eb t\u00eb ket\u00eb boshll\u00ebqe n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat ata mund t\u00eb ndjekin interesat e tyre p\u00ebrtej vlerave evropiane. Klientelizmi dhe praktikat informale jan\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jetese n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor. Forcat progresive q\u00eb shtyjn\u00eb p\u00ebrpara jan\u00eb pakic\u00eb kudo. K\u00ebta jan\u00eb individ\u00eb dhe grupe t\u00eb rralla n\u00eb media, shoq\u00ebri civile, pjes\u00eb partie dhe shoqata joformale t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve dhe BE-ja duhet ta njoh\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb ndihmoj\u00eb forcat e tilla duke mbajtur\u00a0fjal\u00ebn<\/a>\u00a0q\u00eb kan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb. Reformat kryesore jan\u00eb po aq t\u00eb mundimshme sa edhe p\u00ebrmbushja e planeve t\u00eb Vitit t\u00eb Ri, t\u00eb cilat i kemi planifikuar mir\u00eb, por disi n\u00eb Vitin e Ri gjith\u00e7ka do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb si m\u00eb par\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Negociatat jan\u00eb t\u00eb gjata dhe\u00a0jo efektive<\/a>. Kjo mund t\u00eb shihet nga fakti q\u00eb vitet kalojn\u00eb, por p\u00ebrparim nuk ka. Ata e dinin k\u00ebt\u00eb n\u00eb BE kur filluan t\u00eb punojn\u00eb me Metodologjin\u00eb e re. \u00cbsht\u00eb e gabuar, madje nj\u00eb supozim i pakuptimt\u00eb i disa vendeve an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb q\u00eb sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb zgjasin negociatat, aq m\u00eb i gatsh\u00ebm do t\u00eb jet\u00eb vendi kur t\u00eb aderoj\u00eb. P\u00ebr nj\u00eb arsye shum\u00eb t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb, dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb se vendet p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat ai moment i an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit \u00ebsht\u00eb larg n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen, nuk b\u00ebjn\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjet e tyre maksimale p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb detyrat e tyre tani. Kur Juncker tha n\u00eb vitin 2014 se nuk do t\u00eb kishte zgjerim, Mali i Zi menj\u00ebher\u00eb zvog\u00ebloi p\u00ebrpjekjet e tij dhe kjo reflektoi n\u00eb p\u00ebrparimin n\u00eb\u00a0negociata<\/a>. Pse t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb di\u00e7ka n\u00eb vitin 2015, kur nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb shp\u00ebrblime p\u00ebr koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb? \u00cbsht\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb fitohen zgjedhjet e vitit 2016, duke p\u00ebrdorur burimet shtet\u00ebrore n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb paligjshme.<\/p>\n

Kriteret p\u00ebr progresin i n\u00ebnshtrohen politizimit dhe shkojn\u00eb n\u00eb dy drejtime – nj\u00ebra \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb shteti t\u00eb p\u00ebrparoj\u00eb n\u00eb proces sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb vendim politik t\u00eb jet\u00eb i till\u00eb, megjith\u00ebse objektivisht nuk e ka merituar sa duhet dhe tjetri nuk duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrparoj\u00eb, nj\u00ebsoj p\u00ebr arsye politike, megjith\u00ebse ka b\u00ebr\u00eb shum\u00eb\u00a0hapa t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebrpara<\/a>. T\u00eb dyja jan\u00eb t\u00eb k\u00ebqija, p\u00ebr vet\u00eb procesin dhe p\u00ebr\u00a0besimin<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa e gjith\u00eb kjo po ndodh dhe ne jemi vazhdimisht duke marr\u00eb sinjale t\u00eb pafavorshme p\u00ebr rajonin, autoritetet e reja malazeze po japin deklarata se ekziston nj\u00eb shans real p\u00ebr Malin e Zi p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfunduar negociatat deri n\u00eb vitin 2025, respektivisht p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushur t\u00eb gjitha detyrimet deri n\u00eb vitin 2023. \u00cbsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb q\u00eb Mali i Zi ka marr\u00eb sigurime nga Brukseli se, n\u00ebse p\u00ebrmbush detyrat e tij, ai mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet pjes\u00eb e BE-s\u00eb. Megjithat\u00eb, garanci t\u00eb tilla iu dhan\u00eb edhe Maqedonis\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut dhe Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb. Garanci t\u00eb till\u00eb i pat\u00ebn dh\u00ebn\u00eb edhe Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb lidhje me liberalizimin e vizave. Sidoqoft\u00eb, duket se di\u00e7ka serioze dhe thelb\u00ebsore duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsohet n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e Bashkimit Evropian me Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb shpresojm\u00eb me t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb n\u00eb zgjerimin e d\u00ebshiruar.<\/p>\n

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Edicioni i tret\u00eb i projektit \u201cHistori nga rajoni\u201d zbatohet nga Res Publica dhe Instituti p\u00ebr Studime t\u00eb Komunikimit (ISK), n\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunim me partner\u00ebt tan\u00eb nga Shqip\u00ebria (IDM<\/strong><\/a>), Kroacia (Lupiga<\/strong><\/a>), Kosova (Sbunker<\/strong><\/a>), Serbia (Ne davimo Beograd<\/strong><\/a>), Bosnja dhe Hercegovina (analiziraj.ba<\/strong><\/a>), Mali i Zi (PCNEN<\/strong><\/a>), Bullgaria (sega.bg<\/strong><\/a>), Greqia (Macropolis<\/strong><\/a>) dhe Sllovenia (Had<\/strong><\/a>).<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

N\u00eb vitin 2020, asnj\u00eb nga gjasht\u00eb shtetet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor nuk ka b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrparim n\u00eb procesin e\u00a0integrimit\u00a0evropian. \u00cbsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb q\u00eb ata mund t\u00eb kishin b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb, por kjo ende ngre pyetjen n\u00ebse vet\u00eb procesi “funksionon” n\u00eb rast se askush nuk p\u00ebrparon dhe shum\u00eb vende nuk p\u00ebrparojn\u00eb p\u00ebr vite, dekada. Veprimet e gabuara nga […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":228,"featured_media":7610,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1151,1095],"ppma_author":[1154],"class_list":["post-7625","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-1151","tag-histori-nga-rajoni"],"authors":[{"term_id":1154,"user_id":228,"is_guest":0,"slug":"dina-bajramspahic","display_name":"Dina Bajramspahic","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/4169464b514c02a8a45118ee000e7b9d18db4745ebdd3e5768697c0624ca263a?s=96&d=mm&r=g","user_url":"","last_name":"Bajramspahic","first_name":"Dina","description":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7625","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/228"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=7625"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7625\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7626,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7625\/revisions\/7626"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7610"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=7625"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=7625"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=7625"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=7625"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}