{"id":8173,"date":"2021-02-26T09:41:46","date_gmt":"2021-02-26T07:41:46","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=8173"},"modified":"2024-10-10T09:44:57","modified_gmt":"2024-10-10T07:44:57","slug":"strategjia-per-rusine-qe-i-duhet-europes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/strategjia-per-rusine-qe-i-duhet-europes\/","title":{"rendered":"Strategjia p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb q\u00eb i duhet Europ\u00ebs"},"content":{"rendered":"

Bashkimi Europian nuk duhet t\u00eb ngutet as t\u00eb angazhohet me presidentin rus Vladimir Putin, as t\u00eb nxis\u00eb kriz\u00eb diplomatike. N\u00eb vend se t\u00eb luhatet mes rigjall\u00ebrimit dhe masave t\u00eb ashpra, BE-ja duhet t\u00eb ndjek stategji t\u00eb \u201cindiferenc\u00ebs parimore\u201d<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Disa dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00eb pas luft\u00ebs s\u00eb ftoht\u00eb, Rusia mbetet armiku i p\u00ebrsosur, me nj\u00eb aft\u00ebsi t\u00eb pashoq t\u00eb agjitoj\u00eb klas\u00ebn politike t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs. Por intensiteti i debateve dhe emocioneve europiane rreth Rusis\u00eb fsheh nj\u00eb unitet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb madh, q\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb p\u00ebrcillte qasjen e re karshi regjimit t\u00eb Vladimir Putin-it.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb mesin e viteve 2000, europian\u00ebt ishin shum\u00eb t\u00eb ndar\u00eb n\u00eb raport me marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me Rusin\u00eb. E udh\u00ebhequr nga ish-kancelari gjerman Gerhard Schr\u00f6der, Gjermania d\u00ebshironte t\u00eb angazhohej me t\u00eb, nd\u00ebrkaq n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn qendrore dhe lindore k\u00ebrkohej frenimi i saj. N\u00eb sip\u00ebrfaqe, debatet e sotme rreth Nord Stream 2, dhe persekutimit t\u00eb liderit t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs ruse Alexey Navalny, duket sikur po e imponojn\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebri ndarjen e vjet\u00ebr. Por realiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb krejt tjet\u00ebr.<\/span><\/p>\n

Europa nuk ka m\u00eb iluzione se Rusia \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb trajektore drejt demokracis\u00eb liberale q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtohej p\u00ebrmes angazhimit. Gjithashtu, nuk pi uj\u00eb as ideja se shtetet q\u00eb sulmohen nga Kremlini jan\u00eb n\u00eb telashe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb sjelljeve t\u00eb tyre provokative.<\/span><\/p>\n

Tash, europian\u00ebt jan\u00eb mjaft t\u00eb bashkuar rreth nevoj\u00ebs q\u00eb t\u00eb pengohet Rusia nga aventurat e saj t\u00eb jashtme. Ato kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb tri programe t\u00eb ashpra sanksionesh pa nd\u00ebrhyrje, pas pushtimit t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs dhe aneksimit t\u00eb Krimes\u00eb m\u00eb 2014. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, shum\u00eb shtete an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb kan\u00eb rritur buxhetin ushtarak dhe jan\u00eb pajtuar me masat e NATO-s q\u00eb t\u00eb pengojn\u00eb agresionin rus.<\/span><\/p>\n

Pa marr\u00eb parasysh mosmarr\u00ebveshjet rreth Nord Stream 2, Europa \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu m\u00eb e bashkuar n\u00eb politik\u00ebn energjetike. N\u00eb mes t\u00eb viteve 2000, shtetet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb ishin ishuj t\u00eb izoluar energjetik, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt duhej t\u00eb merreshin t\u00eb vetme me ariun rus. Sot, ato jan\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb tregu energjetik t\u00eb integruar europian q\u00eb mund t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb furnizime me gaz p\u00ebr vendet t\u00eb cilat Kremlini nuk i furnizon \u2013 p\u00ebrfshi Ukrain\u00ebn, p\u00ebrmes gypave nga Europa per\u00ebndimore. Kjo e dob\u00ebson duksh\u00ebm forc\u00ebn negociuese t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb karshi vendeve t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs lindore.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar, Bashkimi Europian dhe Shtetet e Bashkuara kan\u00eb alternuar mes fazave t\u00eb angazhimit dhe konfrontimit me Rusin\u00eb. Vizita e fundit e p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit t\u00eb lart\u00eb p\u00ebr politik\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb Josep Borrell n\u00eb Mosk\u00eb, ishte ve\u00e7se e fundit nga nj\u00eb list\u00eb e gjat\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjesh t\u00eb d\u00ebshtuara p\u00ebr rivendosjen e marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve dhe k\u00ebrkimit t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit m\u00eb kuptimplot\u00eb me Rusin\u00eb, gj\u00eb e cila shuan \u00e7do paqart\u00ebsi p\u00ebr munges\u00ebn e apetitit nga ana e Kremlinit lidhur me p\u00ebrpjekjet e tilla. Sidoqoft\u00eb, nj\u00eb eskalim i ashp\u00ebr i mundsh\u00ebm i sanksion\u00ebve t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, si p\u00ebrgjigje ndaj trajtimit t\u00eb Navalnyt nga Kremlini, rrezikon t\u2019i jap\u00eb Putin-it armikun e jasht\u00ebm q\u00eb i duhet p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur v\u00ebmendjen nga problemet e tij t\u00eb brendshme.<\/span><\/p>\n

Putin-i ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet p\u00ebr shum\u00eb gjat\u00eb dhe gradualisht po humb kontrollin e shoq\u00ebrise ruse. P\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb, Rusia po hyn n\u00eb nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnies dhe kalbjes politike. Popullata e vendit po plaket, nd\u00ebrkaq t\u00eb ardhurat e shtres\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme po zvog\u00eblohen. Putin-i nuk ka arritur t\u00eb diversifikoj\u00eb ekonomin\u00eb, dhe k\u00ebrkesat globale p\u00ebr hidrokarbon pritet t\u00eb p\u00ebsojn\u00eb r\u00ebnie n\u00eb dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7arin e ardhsh\u00ebm.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, te Navalny, Putin-i gjen kund\u00ebrshtarin e par\u00eb q\u00eb v\u00ebrtet rrezikon pushtetin e tij. Navalny \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i ri, m\u00eb i pash\u00ebm, dhe m\u00eb trim se Putin-i. Ai nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb liberal apo internacionalist, dhe ka nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb infrastruktur\u00eb komunikimi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn Kremlin-i nuk po ja del ta kontrolloj\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, dob\u00ebsia e sistemit t\u00eb Putin-it, \u00ebsth\u00eb ajo \u00e7far\u00eb e b\u00ebn Navalny-n t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm. P\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket p\u00ebrkrahjes popullore, Navalny ende nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb af\u00ebr Putin-it, dhe mbase kurr\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb \u2013 ndon\u00ebnse, tash p\u00ebr tash, \u00ebsht\u00eb disidenti m\u00eb i njohur.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, disa lider\u00eb eruopian\u00eb po b\u00ebjn\u00eb thirrje p\u00ebr aktiviz\u00ebm m\u00eb t\u00eb madh t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb karshi Rusis\u00eb. \u201cAngazhuesit\u201d sikurse presidenti francez Emmanuel Macron kan\u00eb provuar t\u00eb rifillojn\u00eb dialogun me Kremlinin, nd\u00ebrsa \u201cfrenuesit\u201d sikurse presidenti lituanez Gitanas Nauseda p\u00eblqejn\u00eb sanksione m\u00eb t\u00eb forta. Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, ky debat fsheh shkall\u00ebn e konvergjenc\u00ebs brenda BE-s\u00eb ndaj Rusis\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrderisa Kina po b\u00ebhet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb e fuqishme dhe e angazhuar globalisht, e kund\u00ebrta mund t\u00eb thuhet p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb. Prandaj, BE-ja nuk duhet t\u00eb ngutet as t\u00eb angazhohet me regjimin e Putin-it, as t\u00eb nxis\u00eb kriz\u00eb diplomatike. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb kesaj, ajo duhet t\u00eb privoj\u00eb Putin-in nga ajo q\u00eb ai do m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti: v\u00ebmendja politike. Pra, n\u00eb vend se t\u00eb luhatet mes rigjall\u00ebrimit dhe masave t\u00eb ashpra, BE-ja duhet t\u00eb ndjek nj\u00eb strategji alternative. Quajeni \u201cindiferenc\u00eb parimore\u201d ose \u201cangazhim rezistent\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

Sa p\u00ebr fillim, Europa duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb e qart\u00eb rreth interesave t\u00eb saj teksa p\u00ebrforcon sigurin\u00eb e BE-s\u00eb. Duke ngritur aft\u00ebsit\u00eb e saj ushtarake, kund\u00ebrzbuluese, kibernetike, dhe energjetike, shtetet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsojn\u00eb pozicionin e unionit karshi Rusis\u00eb. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, BE-ja dhe SHBA-ja duhet t\u00eb pajtohen rreth nj\u00eb qasjeje t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt ndaj Rusis\u00eb \u2013 pezullimin p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gazsjell\u00ebsit Nord Stream 2 \u2013 n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb Putin-i t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb pak i prirur q\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn p\u00ebrball\u00eb tjetr\u00ebs.<\/span><\/p>\n

Dimensioni i dyt\u00eb i nj\u00eb qasjeje t\u00eb til\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb mbante n\u00ebn fre politik\u00ebn e jashtme t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb. Patjet\u00ebr q\u00eb sanksionet e Per\u00ebndimit dhe problemet e brendshme n\u00ebnkuptojn\u00eb se Rusia ka m\u00eb pak para dhe v\u00ebmendje p\u00ebr t\u2019ia kushtuar Bellorusis\u00eb, Moldavis\u00eb, Ukrain\u00ebs, apo Armenis\u00eb. Sido q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb, BE-ja duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjet me forc\u00eb ndaj \u00e7do provokimi dhe agresioni t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, shtetet an\u00ebtare duhet t\u00eb fillojn\u00eb t\u00eb investojn\u00eb n\u00eb partneritete ushtarake dhe t\u00eb siguris\u00eb me vendet si Ukraina, Moldavia, dhe Gjeorgjia, dhe t\u2019i shk\u00ebpus\u00eb k\u00ebto nisma prej \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb NATO. Gjithashtu, BE-ja mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb Turqin\u00eb n\u00eb dialogun rreth Rusis\u00eb dhe \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb siguris\u00eb s\u00eb Detit t\u00eb Zi.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimi i koordinimit transatlantik n\u00eb raport me Rusin\u00eb do t\u00eb jet\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje ky\u00e7e. Dor\u00ebshtrirja e nj\u00ebanshme e BE-s\u00eb ndaj Kremlinit dob\u00ebson pozicionin e saj si karshi Mosk\u00ebs, ashtu edhe Uashingtonit, dhe kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shpaguar.<\/span><\/p>\n

Asnj\u00eb nga t\u00eb lart\u00ebp\u00ebrmendurat nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se BE-ja duhet ta shmang\u00eb dialogun me Rusin\u00eb. Por, kjo duhet t\u00eb ruhet p\u00ebr forumet shum\u00ebpal\u00ebse sikurse OSBE-ja dhe K\u00ebshilli Arktik. Diskutimet me Rusin\u00eb \u2013 qoft\u00eb rreth ndryshimit klimatik, vaksinave, apo vizave \u2013 duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb teknokratike, pa spektaklin diplomatik a emocionin q\u00eb kan\u00eb karakterizuar p\u00ebrpjekjet e fundit p\u00ebr hapje.<\/span><\/p>\n

Koha nuk punon p\u00ebr Putin-in. N\u00ebse BE-ja p\u00ebrgjigjet vendosm\u00ebrisht dhe pa emocione ndaj agresionit t\u00eb presidentit rus, do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishte n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb frenoj\u00eb ndikimin dashakeq, pa ndihmuar p\u00ebrpjekjet t\u00eb tij, si p.sh. q\u00eb t\u00eb etiketoj\u00eb Navalny-n si agjent t\u00eb huaj. Paradoksalisht, m\u00ebnyra m\u00eb e mir\u00eb q\u00eb lider\u00ebt europian\u00eb t\u00eb ushqejn\u00eb apetitin p\u00ebr angazhim konstruktiv n\u00eb Kremlin \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb duket m\u00eb pak nevojtare p\u00ebr t\u00eb. Le t\u00eb vij\u00eb Putin-i te ta.<\/span><\/p>\n

***<\/span><\/p>\n

Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb <\/span>Project Syndicate<\/span><\/a>, m\u00eb 19 shkurt 2021<\/span><\/p>\n

***<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Ky artikull mb\u00ebshtetet nga “Sbunker” p\u00ebrmes projektit t\u00eb financuar nga Ambasada Amerikane. Mendimet e shprehura k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb autorit dhe jo medoemos pasqyrojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet e Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit.<\/span><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Bashkimi Europian nuk duhet t\u00eb ngutet as t\u00eb angazhohet me presidentin rus Vladimir Putin, as t\u00eb nxis\u00eb kriz\u00eb diplomatike. N\u00eb vend se t\u00eb luhatet mes rigjall\u00ebrimit dhe masave t\u00eb ashpra, BE-ja duhet t\u00eb ndjek stategji t\u00eb \u201cindiferenc\u00ebs parimore\u201d Disa dhjet\u00ebvje\u00e7ar\u00eb pas luft\u00ebs s\u00eb ftoht\u00eb, Rusia mbetet armiku i p\u00ebrsosur, me nj\u00eb aft\u00ebsi t\u00eb pashoq t\u00eb […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":295,"featured_media":8141,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1260],"ppma_author":[306],"class_list":["post-8173","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kremlinshah"],"authors":[{"term_id":306,"user_id":295,"is_guest":0,"slug":"mark-leonard","display_name":"Mark Leonard","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/20220919_Leonard-scaled-192x192-c-center.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/20220919_Leonard-scaled-192x192-c-center.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Leonard","first_name":"Mark","description":"Mark Leonard \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shkenc\u00ebtar politik dhe autor britanik. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebthemelues dhe drejtor i K\u00ebshillit Evropian p\u00ebr Marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e Jashtme."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8173","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/295"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=8173"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8173\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8174,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8173\/revisions\/8174"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8141"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=8173"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=8173"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=8173"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=8173"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}