{"id":826,"date":"2023-06-19T09:48:56","date_gmt":"2023-06-19T09:48:56","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=826"},"modified":"2024-12-09T11:24:29","modified_gmt":"2024-12-09T09:24:29","slug":"nje-shqyrtim-kritik-i-idese-se-shkembimit-te-territoreve-nje-pergjigje-per-james-ker-lindsay","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/opinion\/nje-shqyrtim-kritik-i-idese-se-shkembimit-te-territoreve-nje-pergjigje-per-james-ker-lindsay\/","title":{"rendered":"Nj\u00eb shqyrtim kritik i ides\u00eb s\u00eb shk\u00ebmbimit t\u00eb territoreve: Nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje p\u00ebr James Ker-Lindsay"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Trazirat e fundit n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs kan\u00eb zgjuar iden\u00eb p\u00ebr shk\u00ebmbim territoresh midis Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb. Kjo ide \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrfolur disa her\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht gjat\u00eb negociatave midis\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.bbc.co.uk\/news\/world-europe-45423835\">Tha\u00e7it dhe Vu\u00e7iqit m\u00eb 2018<\/a>, si nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb e shpejt\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb finalizuar nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje midis Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Derisa shumica sugjerojn\u00eb se kjo do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/neweasterneurope.eu\/2019\/01\/28\/a-blueprint-solution-for-kosovo-what-is-at-stake%ef%bb%bf\/\">katastrof\u00eb<\/a>, t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt kan\u00eb argumentuar se \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2018\/09\/13\/opinion\/kosovo-serbia-land-swap.html\">spastrimi paq\u00ebsor etnik<\/a>\u201d do t\u00eb zgjidhte mosmarr\u00ebveshjen e mo\u00e7me. James Ker-Lindsay s\u00eb fundmi\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=BfEE7qYppcI\">ringjalli iden\u00eb<\/a>\u00a0dhe propozoi shk\u00ebmbimin e kat\u00ebr komunave veriore t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs me disa fshatra n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn jugore t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.lse.ac.uk\/LSEE-Research-on-South-Eastern-Europe\/People\/James-Ker-Lindsay\">Ekspertiza<\/a>\u00a0e Ker-Lindsayt n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb mosmarr\u00ebveshje specifike dhe mosmarr\u00ebveshjet territoriale n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi e shquajn\u00eb at\u00eb si duksh\u00ebm m\u00eb t\u00eb kualifikuar se shumica e t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve q\u00eb e kan\u00eb \u00e7uar p\u00ebrpara k\u00ebt\u00eb ide; megjith\u00ebk\u00ebt\u00eb, propozimi i tij p\u00ebrfshin shum\u00eb nga t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat ve\u00e7ori problematike.<\/p>\n<p><strong>T\u00eb sfidosh perspektiv\u00ebn \u201ct\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb analiz\u00ebn e tij, Ker-Lindsay d\u00ebshton t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb dhun\u00ebn e ushtruar nga Serbia n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb. Ai p\u00ebrmbledh ngjarjet e fundviteve 1900 si\u00e7 vijon: \u201c<em>Shqiptar\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs nis\u00ebn nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb t\u00eb armatosur p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsi. Mes dhun\u00ebs n\u00eb rritje, bisedimet e paqes u thirr\u00ebn n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb vitit 1999<\/em>\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Megjith\u00ebk\u00ebt\u00eb, nj\u00eb kuptim gjith\u00ebp\u00ebrfshir\u00ebs i mosmarr\u00ebveshjes aktuale midis Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb vler\u00ebsim t\u00eb kontekstit historik. M\u00eb konkretisht faktin q\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet viteve 1989 dhe 1999, nacionalist\u00ebt serb\u00eb n\u00eb pushtet n\u00eb Beograd revokuan statusin autonom t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, shtyp\u00ebn sistematikisht popullsin\u00eb shqiptare t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe n\u00eb fund nis\u00ebn nj\u00eb fushat\u00eb t\u00eb spastrimit etnik, e cila kulmoi me luft\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Duke injoruar dhun\u00ebn e nxitur nga shteti q\u00eb ushtrohej ndaj komunitetit shqiptar, Ker-Lindsay paraqet nj\u00eb tablo t\u00eb rreme dhe, rrjedhimisht, lexuesit e painformuar mund t\u00eb konkludojn\u00eb q\u00eb ky konflikt ishte thjesht nj\u00eb rast p\u00ebrplasjeje midis separatist\u00ebve t\u00eb dhunsh\u00ebm dhe qeveris\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, analiza e Ker-Lindsayt l\u00eb pa p\u00ebrmendur detaje thelb\u00ebsore lidhur me t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn e Vu\u00e7iqit, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb shp\u00ebrfilljen e tij karshi t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut dhe liris\u00eb s\u00eb shtypit n\u00eb Serbi, lidhjet me krimin e organizuar dhe\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.euractiv.com\/section\/politics\/news\/serbia-still-firmly-opposes-kosovo-recognition-un-accession\/?fbclid=IwAR37vaUuFIjhfnAWf_1_di7g0uy6rZay_j6TQ9k4Er1SrdaeksbmnaZdXbM\">refuzimin<\/a>\u00a0e planeve t\u00eb paqes t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuara nga BE-ja.<\/p>\n<p>Pasi Partia Progresiste Serbe e Vu\u00e7iqit erdhi n\u00eb pushtet m\u00eb 2012, nacionalist\u00ebt serb\u00eb e rrit\u00ebn provokimin e tyre t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr dhe\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.bbc.co.uk\/news\/world-europe-38630152\">konflikutoz<\/a>. Lidhjet e Vu\u00e7iqit me\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2023\/05\/03\/magazine\/aleksandar-vucic-veljko-belivuk-serbia.html\">krimin e organizuar<\/a>\u00a0dhe sulmi i tij ndaj liris\u00eb s\u00eb shtypit, t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut dhe demokracis\u00eb, jan\u00eb t\u00eb\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/foreignpolicy.com\/2023\/06\/13\/tony-blinken-is-creating-a-kosovo-crisis\/\">dokumentuara mir\u00eb<\/a>. Gjithashtu,\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/prishtinainsight.com\/vucic-denial-of-recak-massacre-sparks-outrage-in-kosovo\/\">ai ka mohuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur se n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb kan\u00eb ndodhur mizori<\/a>, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb kryeministrin e Kosov\u00ebs, t\u00eb zgjedhur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb demokratike, Albin Kurtin, e ka quajtur \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.euractiv.com\/section\/politics\/news\/serbia-boycotts-eu-summit-calls-kosovo-pm-terrorist-scum\/\">llum terrorist<\/a>\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Kurti, p\u00ebrkundrazi, cil\u00ebsohet si \u201c<em>nacionalist i vij\u00ebs s\u00eb ashp\u00ebr i pakompromis<\/em>\u201d, pa p\u00ebrmendur\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/sbunker.net\/op-ed\/91695\/the-eu-facilitated-dialogue-bullying-kosovo-appeasing-serbia\/\">d\u00ebshir\u00ebn e tij fort t\u00eb shprehur p\u00ebr t\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruar planin e paqes, t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuar nga BE-ja,<\/a>\u00a0ose edhe p\u00ebrparimin q\u00eb ka arritur qeveria e tij n\u00eb fush\u00ebn e liris\u00eb s\u00eb shtypit dhe t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut.<\/p>\n<p>Albin Kurti kurr\u00eb nuk e ka mb\u00ebshtetur dhun\u00ebn sektare dhe kurr\u00eb nuk ka sh\u00ebrbyer n\u00eb nj\u00eb administrat\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb krime kund\u00ebr njer\u00ebzimit. Q\u00ebkur partia e tij erdhi n\u00eb pushtet, Kosova \u2013 n\u00eb kontrast t\u00eb plot\u00eb me Serbin\u00eb e Vu\u00e7iqit \u2013 ka sh\u00ebnuar p\u00ebrparim t\u00eb duksh\u00ebm n\u00eb\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.transparency.org\/en\/cpi\/2022\">luftimin e korrupsionit<\/a>, p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimin e\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/rsf.org\/en\/index\">liris\u00eb s\u00eb shtypit<\/a>\u00a0dhe rritjen e\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/freedomhouse.org\/country\/kosovo\/freedom-world\/2023\">respektit p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, duke komentuar dhun\u00ebn q\u00eb u pa dit\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, Ker-Lindsay e p\u00ebrshkruan situat\u00ebn k\u00ebsisoj: \u201c<em>Nd\u00ebrsa serb\u00ebt vendas protestuan, paqeruajt\u00ebsit e NATO-s nd\u00ebrhyn\u00eb dhe provokuan p\u00ebrleshjen.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Ky p\u00ebrshkrim \u00ebsht\u00eb \u2013 m\u00eb e pakta q\u00eb mund t\u00eb themi \u2013 jo i plot\u00eb. Nuk u p\u00ebrfshin\u00eb ve\u00e7 \u201cserb\u00ebt vendas\u201d dhe \u201cp\u00ebrleshjet\u201d nuk e b\u00ebjn\u00eb dot drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr faktin se dhuna kund\u00ebr KFOR-it u krye nga ato q\u00eb z\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebsi i KFOR-it, kolonel Andrea Gallieni, i p\u00ebrshkroi si \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.koha.net\/en\/arboretum\/380996\/behind-the-protesters-in-the-north-were-the-criminal-groups\/\">grupe kriminale<\/a>\u201d, q\u00eb erdh\u00ebn n\u00eb protesta t\u00eb armatosur me granata dhe arm\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Heqja e k\u00ebtyre detajeve kruciale \u2013 qoft\u00eb me vet\u00ebdije apo jo \u2013 krijon nj\u00eb p\u00ebrshtypje t\u00eb rrejshme t\u00eb ngjarjeve. P\u00ebrfundimisht, ajo nuk arrin ta vendos\u00eb dhun\u00ebn n\u00eb kontekstin e luft\u00ebs s\u00eb gjat\u00eb nacionaliste serbe p\u00ebr ta rimarr\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn dhe p\u00ebr ta \u00e7liruar at\u00eb nga banor\u00ebt e vet shqiptar\u00eb, si pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb projekti m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb p\u00ebr ta krijuar nj\u00eb \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/emerging-europe.com\/news\/serbian-world-a-dangerous-idea\/\">bot\u00eb serbe<\/a>\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Diskutimi p\u00ebr nj\u00eb shk\u00ebmbim territoresh pa e pas pranuar k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb t\u00eb fundit, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb \u201ct\u00eb dyja pal\u00ebt\u201d cil\u00ebsohen si t\u00eb nevojshme p\u00ebr kompromis, e nxjerr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen nga konteksti i saj tep\u00ebr i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Nj\u00eb fitore p\u00ebr nacionalizmin serb q\u00eb nuk ofron zgjidhje t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme p\u00ebr paqen<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Ker-Lindsay argumenton se nj\u00eb shk\u00ebmbim territoresh do t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebnte \u201c<em>nj\u00eb ndarje t\u00eb past\u00ebr<\/em>\u201d, do t\u00eb \u201c<em>sh\u00ebnonte fundin e \u00e7do pik\u00ebpyetjeje rreth statusit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs<\/em>\u201d dhe do t\u00eb \u201c<em>lejonte Serbin\u00eb t\u00eb vazhdonte p\u00ebrpara<\/em>\u201d. Sidoqoft\u00eb, ideja se Serbia do t\u00eb \u201c<em>vazhdonte p\u00ebrpara<\/em>\u201d pas nj\u00eb shk\u00ebmbimi territoresh \u00ebsht\u00eb me shum\u00eb gjas\u00eb e pamundur.<\/p>\n<p>Vu\u00e7iqi beson se Kosova \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/voices\/donald-trump-president-balkans-frederica-mogherini-serbia-kosovo-a7541191.html\">djepi i Serbis\u00eb<\/a>\u201d dhe e ka pranuar se \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.ft.com\/content\/286fadc4-5444-11e8-b3ee-41e0209208ec\">i obsesionuar pas Kosov\u00ebs<\/a>\u201d. Baz\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb pushtetit ai e ka nd\u00ebrtuar duke e p\u00ebrjet\u00ebsuar nocionin se Serbia \u00ebsht\u00eb e rrethuar nga armiqt\u00eb, historikisht subjekt i nd\u00ebrhyrjes s\u00eb padrejt\u00eb t\u00eb huaj dhe p\u00ebrfundimisht e destinuar t\u00eb rimarr\u00eb tok\u00ebn q\u00eb i \u00ebsht\u00eb vjedhur.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00ebse b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb shk\u00ebmbim territoresh, ai dhe mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e tij nuk do t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqeshin me vet\u00ebm kat\u00ebr komunat veriore.<\/p>\n<p>\u00cbsht\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb n\u00ebnvizohet se shumica e serb\u00ebve n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb jug t\u00eb lumit Ib\u00ebr. Andaj, sfidat dhe shqet\u00ebsimet e tyre \u2013 qofshin reale apo t\u00eb sajuara \u2013 do t\u00eb vazhdonin t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbenin si totem emocional dhe justifikim p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrhyrje n\u00eb pun\u00ebt e Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, shumica e objekteve t\u00eb Kish\u00ebs Ortodokse Serbe n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb shtrihen jasht\u00eb kat\u00ebr komunave veriore, sikund\u00ebr jan\u00eb vendet e\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/whc.unesco.org\/en\/list\/724\/maps\/\">Trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore t\u00eb UNESCO-s<\/a>\u00a0\u2013 De\u00e7ani, Patriarkana e Pej\u00ebs, Gra\u00e7anica dhe Kisha e Virgj\u00ebresh\u00ebs s\u00eb Levis\u00ebs \u2013 si dhe shum\u00eb objekte t\u00eb tjera historike fetare.<\/p>\n<p>Ve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, \u201cFusha e M\u00ebllenjave\u201d, ku u zhvillua Beteja e vitit 1389 kund\u00ebr osman\u00ebve, shtrihet af\u00ebr Prishtin\u00ebs; Monumenti i Betej\u00ebs n\u00eb Gazimestan \u00ebsht\u00eb vend me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb madhe p\u00ebr nacionalist\u00ebt serb\u00eb. K\u00ebto vende, q\u00eb jan\u00eb jasht\u00eb kat\u00ebr komunave veriore, do t\u00eb ushqenin nj\u00ebsoj aspiratat e atyre q\u00eb lakmojn\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr dekada t\u00eb t\u00ebra, ideja e ndarjes s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs sipas vijave etnike u refuzua vazhdimisht nga aleat\u00ebt per\u00ebndimor\u00eb t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs, q\u00eb argumentuan se integriteti territorial i Kosov\u00ebs ishte i panegociuesh\u00ebm. Nj\u00eb shk\u00ebmbim territoresh tani do ta shp\u00ebrblente Serbin\u00eb p\u00ebr intrasigjenc\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb vazhdueshme dhe do t\u00eb sugjeronte se ajo q\u00eb Per\u00ebndimi thot\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb e panegociueshme sot, do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet e negociueshme n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen.<\/p>\n<p>Duke vendosur parimin se integriteti territorial i Kosov\u00ebs nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i shenjt\u00eb, a do t\u00eb hiqnin dor\u00eb nacionalist\u00ebt serb\u00eb nga fushata e tyre p\u00ebr ta rifituar t\u00ebr\u00eb Kosov\u00ebn? Me shum\u00eb gjas\u00eb, jo.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Trazirat e fundit n\u00eb veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs kan\u00eb zgjuar iden\u00eb p\u00ebr shk\u00ebmbim territoresh midis Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb. Kjo ide \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrfolur disa her\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht gjat\u00eb negociatave midis\u00a0Tha\u00e7it dhe Vu\u00e7iqit m\u00eb 2018, si nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb e shpejt\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb finalizuar nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje midis Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb. Derisa shumica sugjerojn\u00eb se kjo do t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb\u00a0katastrof\u00eb, t\u00eb [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":8,"featured_media":10596,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[668,664,12],"ppma_author":[18],"class_list":["post-826","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-conflict","tag-kosovo","tag-serbia"],"authors":[{"term_id":18,"user_id":8,"is_guest":0,"slug":"aidan-hehir","display_name":"Aidan Hehir","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/aidan.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/aidan.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Hehir","first_name":"Aidan","description":"Dr. Aidan Hehir is a Reader in International Relations at the University of Westminster. His research interests include transitional justice, humanitarian intervention, and statebuilding in Kosovo. He is the author\/editor of eleven books; his most recent monograph \u2013 Hollow Norms and The Responsibility to Protect (Palgrave Macmillan) \u2013 won the 2019 British International Studies Association \u2018Working Group on Intervention and R2P\u2019 book prize. He has published over fifty academic book chapters and journal articles, is co-editor of the Routledge Intervention and Statebuilding book series and is a regular contributor to national and international television and radio."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/826","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/8"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=826"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/826\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10788,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/826\/revisions\/10788"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10596"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=826"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=826"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=826"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=826"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}