{"id":8339,"date":"2021-11-25T12:54:24","date_gmt":"2021-11-25T10:54:24","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/?p=8339"},"modified":"2024-10-15T12:56:30","modified_gmt":"2024-10-15T10:56:30","slug":"cfare-do-ne-te-vertete-rusia-ne-ballkan","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/analize\/cfare-do-ne-te-vertete-rusia-ne-ballkan\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00c7far\u00eb do n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb Rusia n\u00eb Ballkan"},"content":{"rendered":"

Kremlini po destabilizon Bosnj\u00ebn dhe Hercegovin\u00ebn n\u00eb ndjekje t\u00eb q\u00ebllimeve m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebra strategjike.<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Gazetari legjendar boshnjak Boro Kontic s\u00eb fundmi tha se Bosnja duket sikur filmi <\/span>Groundhog Day<\/span><\/i> t\u00eb zgjaste nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb: n\u00ebshkruhen marr\u00ebveshje, themelohen e nd\u00ebrtohen institucione, dor\u00ebzohen aplikaicone, fitohen e humben zgjedhje, organizohen konferenca, ngriten \u00e7\u00ebshtje, p\u00ebrgatiten vler\u00ebsime, e pastaj \u2013 asgj\u00eb. 26 vjet pas n\u00ebnshkrimit t\u00eb Marr\u00ebveshjes s\u00eb Paqes n\u00eb Dejton \u2013 e cila pak a shum\u00eb iu imponua lider\u00ebve boshnjak\u00eb, kroat\u00eb dhe serb\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndalur gjakderdhjen \u2013 gjith\u00e7ka po p\u00ebrs\u00ebritet pa pushim, sikur t\u00eb mos ekzistonte koha, kujtesa e historia.<\/span><\/p>\n

Por ajo \u00e7far\u00eb e b\u00ebn t\u00eb sakt\u00eb metafor\u00ebn e <\/span>Groundhog Day <\/span><\/i>\u00ebsht\u00eb fakti se edhe ata q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb autorizuar nga K\u00ebshilli i Sigurimit p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur paqen, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb Bosnja t\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrparoj\u00eb, duken sikur t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur p\u00ebr ta l\u00ebn\u00eb vendin n\u00eb vet\u00ebnum\u00ebrim. P\u00ebrkund\u00ebr paras\u00eb, p\u00ebrpjekjes dhe koh\u00ebs s\u00eb investuar n\u00eb shtetnd\u00ebrtim, kurdo q\u00eb ka mosmarr\u00ebveshje, politikb\u00ebr\u00ebsit mendojn\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb e pranueshme q\u00eb ta kthejn\u00eb vendin 26 vjet prapa, at\u00ebher\u00eb kur sapo kishte dal\u00eb prej nj\u00ebrit prej konflikteve m\u00eb mizore q\u00eb prej Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore. Disa zyrtar\u00eb po p\u00ebrpiqen t\u00eb arsyetojn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb duke e quajtur \u201ckthim n\u00eb Dejtonin origjinal.\u201d F\u00ebmij\u00ebt e rrethimit t\u00eb Sarajav\u00ebs tashm\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb mosh\u00eb t\u00eb mesme. Atyre u duhet nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr narrativ.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebrkundrazi, nuk ka narrativ t\u00eb ri dhe as realitet t\u00eb ri. Bosnja p\u00ebrs\u00ebri po kalon n\u00ebp\u00ebr nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb, p\u00ebrderisa nj\u00ebri an\u00ebtar i presidenc\u00ebs trepal\u00ebshe, lideri serb\u00ebve t\u00eb Bosnjes Milorad Dodik, p\u00ebrdor retorik\u00eb luft\u00ebnxit\u00ebse dhe sulmon ashp\u00ebr institucionet e brishta t\u00eb Bosnj\u00ebs, n\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje flagrante p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruar vendin.<\/span><\/p>\n

Dodik \u00ebsht\u00eb fenomen interesant por jo i pazakont\u00eb. N\u00eb shum\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje, ai d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb Viktor Orban i vog\u00ebl. Ashtu si kryeministri i Hungaris\u00eb, ai filloi si politikan demokratik \u2013 i zgjedhur dhe i promovuar nga Per\u00ebndimi. Me koh\u00eb, ai rr\u00ebshqiti n\u00eb nacionaliz\u00ebm dhe pastaj n\u00eb nacionaliz\u00ebm t\u00eb eg\u00ebr. Si Orbani, ai u b\u00eb shum\u00eb i pasur gjat\u00eb koh\u00ebs s\u00eb tij n\u00eb politik\u00eb, gj\u00eb e cila solli pashmangsh\u00ebm nj\u00eb qeveri autokratike. Dhe ashtu si shumica e autokrat\u00ebve n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Lindore dhe Qendrore, ai k\u00ebrkoi dhe gjeti mbrojt\u00ebsit e tij n\u00eb Rusi.<\/span><\/p>\n

Dodiku ka b\u00ebr\u00eb em\u00ebr duke sfiduar vet\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebn e Bosnj\u00ebs. Dallimi ky\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb se Dodiku, ndryshe nga Orbani, nuk ka shtet. Kjo e b\u00ebn pozicionin e tij shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb pasigurt \u2013 por gjithashtu t\u00ebrheq\u00ebs p\u00ebr aktor\u00ebt e jasht\u00ebm q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrzihen n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjet e Ballkanit.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb fillim t\u00eb karrier\u00ebs, kur Dodiku mendonte se e ardhmja e tij ishte me Per\u00ebndimin, ai kishte pranuar publikisht gjenocidin e Srebrenic\u00ebs, kishte refuzuar kriminel\u00ebt serb\u00eb t\u00eb luft\u00ebs dhe ishte pozicionuar si p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebs i flakt\u00eb i unitetit dhe s\u00eb ardhmes s\u00eb Bosnj\u00ebs n\u00eb Bashkim Evropian. Kur filloi t\u00eb nd\u00ebrronte aleanc\u00eb, s\u00eb pari me presidentin serb Aleksandar Vucic e pastaj me Mosk\u00ebn p\u00ebr mbrojtje, politikat dhe retorikat e tij ndryshuan n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dramatike. Kjo ndodhi gradualisht, me koh\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00ebt\u00eb e vura re s\u00eb pari kur mora pjes\u00eb s\u00eb bashku me t\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb program t\u00eb nj\u00eb TV-je lokale n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb viteve 2000. S\u2019di se qysh p\u00ebrfunduam duke diskutuar p\u00ebr futbollin kur Dodiku tha papritmas se n\u00eb nj\u00eb ndeshje mes ekipit kryesor nga Serbia dhe rivalit t\u00eb saj nga Bosnja, ai definitivisht do t\u00eb b\u00ebnte tifo p\u00ebr ekipin serb. Duke qen\u00eb se futbolli n\u00eb Ballkan nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb kurr\u00eb vet\u00ebm futboll, madje edhe n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb kur ai ende shihej si aleat i Per\u00ebndimit, komentet e tij m\u2019u duken si shenj\u00eb alarmi p\u00ebr ndryshimin e pozicionit t\u00eb tij.<\/span><\/p>\n

Q\u00eb at\u00ebher\u00eb, Dodiku ka sh\u00ebrbyer si agjent i politik\u00ebs serbe n\u00eb destabilizimin e Bosnjes dhe si plan rezerv\u00eb p\u00ebr paq\u00ebsimin e segmentit m\u00eb nacionalist t\u00eb opinionit publik serb, n\u00eb rast se Serbia b\u00ebn marr\u00ebveshje dhe pranon Kosov\u00ebn. Me at\u00eb rast, Serbia mund t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzoj\u00eb politikat secesioniste t\u00eb Dodikut p\u00ebr t\u00eb arsyetuar k\u00ebrkesat e saj p\u00ebr aneksimin e Republika Srpska-s si kompensim p\u00ebr humbjen e Kosov\u00ebs. Mir\u00ebpo, me t\u2019u shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb instrument t\u00eb gjeopolitik\u00ebs s\u00eb Rusis\u00eb, marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia e Dodikut me Serbin\u00eb ka ndryshuar gjithashtu. Sot, Dodiku nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb gur shahu i politik\u00ebs serbe. P\u00ebrkundrazi, ai po e mban peng politik\u00ebn serbe.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb vetvete, Dodiku \u00ebsht\u00eb mjaft i par\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm. Kurajoja, arroganca dhe relevanca e tij jan\u00eb thjesht produkt i p\u00ebrkrahjes ruse. Si\u00e7 u shpreh edhe vet\u00eb kur k\u00ebrc\u00ebnoi ushtrin\u00eb boshnjake me shkat\u00ebrrim dhe hodhi iden\u00eb e formimit t\u00eb ushtris\u00eb p\u00ebr Republika Srpsk\u00ebn, \u2018N\u00ebse dikush provon t\u00eb na ndaloj\u00eb, n\u00eb kemi miq q\u00eb do na mbrojn\u00eb.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse takimet e fundit t\u00eb lider\u00ebve t\u00eb shteteve an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb me Dodikun jan\u00eb dukur disi patetike. T\u00eb gjitha l\u00ebshimet dhe kompromiset q\u00eb jan\u00eb duke ofruar \u2013 si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb kufizimi drastik i autoritetit t\u00eb Zyr\u00ebs s\u00eb P\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit t\u00eb Lart\u00eb, largimi i tre gjyqtar\u00ebve t\u00eb huaj nga Gjykata Kushtetuese e vendit, ose qarkullimi i hartave dhe propozimeve q\u00eb do t\u00eb normalizonin ndryshimet kufitare n\u00eb Ballkan -, t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto nuk e kan\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur Dodikun as ndryshuar retorik\u00ebn e tij p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00ebse. Kjo ngjan sepse nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ai q\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb mund t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00c7\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb e v\u00ebrteta, destabilizimi i Bosnj\u00ebs dhe t\u00ebr\u00eb rajonit t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor nuk mund t\u2019i mveshet vet\u00ebm Dodikut apo lider\u00ebve lokal\u00eb t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm me t\u00eb. Ata jan\u00eb vet\u00ebm agjent\u00eb n\u00eb terren t\u00eb politik\u00ebs p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00ebse ruse. Para se lider\u00ebt e BE-s\u00eb t\u00eb angazhohen diplomatikisht me Dodikun ose sponsor\u00ebt e tij nga Kremlini, ata duhet t\u00eb mendojn\u00eb me kudjes p\u00ebr at\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb konkretisht k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitoj\u00eb Moska nga destabilizimi i Ballkanit dhe n\u00ebse ka nj\u00eb zgjidhje q\u00eb mund t\u2019i sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebve.<\/span><\/p>\n

P\u00ebr shum\u00eb vjet\u00eb, Rusia e ka trajtuar BE-n\u00eb si klub politik t\u00eb respektuar por kryesisht t\u00eb pad\u00ebmsh\u00ebm. Kjo ndryshoi n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb dramatike pas vitit 2014. N\u00eb Samitin e Partneritetit Lindor n\u00eb Vilnius t\u00eb Lituanis\u00eb n\u00eb vjesht\u00eb 2013, BE-ja n\u00ebnshkroi marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb ve\u00e7anta me Gjeorgjin\u00eb dhe Moldavin\u00eb dhe n\u00eb qershor 2014 me Ukrain\u00ebn. Q\u00eb nga ai moment, Rusia filloi t\u00eb shihte BE-n\u00eb ashtu si NATO-n \u2013 pra, si armike.<\/span><\/p>\n

Lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb dhe aneksimi i Krimes\u00eb ngjan\u00eb nj\u00ebra pas tjetr\u00ebs. Reagimi i Per\u00ebndimit ishte q\u00eb t\u00eb vendoste sanksione, e pastaj edhe m\u00eb shum\u00eb sanksione. Nuk ka dyshim se veprimet e Rusis\u00eb k\u00ebrkuan dhe merituan reagime t\u00eb ashpra. Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebr pasoj\u00eb ndodhi prishja graduale e komunikimit mes Rusis\u00eb dhe Per\u00ebndimit.<\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00ebshilli NATO-Rusi, nj\u00ebsi permanente n\u00eb \u00e7do takim ministror t\u00eb NATO-s, ishte i para q\u00eb u shua. Kjo u pasua nga mosftesa e ministrit t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb dhe zyrtar\u00ebve t\u00eb tjer\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebshillet e ndryshme t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb kanalet e komunikimeve zyrtare dhe jozyrtare filluan t\u00eb zhdukeshin nj\u00ebri pas tjetrit. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, politikat e Rusis\u00eb filluan t\u00eb b\u00ebheshin m\u00eb agresive, m\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyr\u00ebse, m\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00ebse dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikshme.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kremlini i vuri syrin Ballkanit si hap\u00ebsir\u00eb ideale p\u00ebr operacionet e saj t\u00eb influencimit dhe provokimit politik \u2013 duke shqyrtuar vazhdimisht se sa larg mund t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb para se Per\u00ebndimi t\u00eb reagoj\u00eb. Prej pik\u00ebpamjes ruse, Ballkani ka shum\u00eb p\u00ebrpar\u00ebsi: \u00ebsht\u00eb relativisht i vog\u00ebl, i ndar\u00eb mes shum\u00eb shteve t\u00eb varf\u00ebra dhe marr\u00eb parasysh historin\u00eb e fundit, jo edhe aq v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00eb dhe destabilizuar.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ai gjithashtu rrethohet nga territori i BE-s\u00eb dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb i mbushur me vende q\u00eb aspirojn\u00eb BE-n\u00eb. Diplomat\u00ebt dhe politikan\u00ebt rus\u00eb t\u00eb nivelit t\u00eb lart\u00eb q\u00eb merren me k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje me siguri jan\u00eb t\u00eb befasuar me munges\u00ebn e kund\u00ebrp\u00ebrgjigjes s\u00eb BE-s\u00eb ndaj t\u00eb gjitha p\u00ebrpjekjeve t\u00eb tyre p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00ebse n\u00eb Ballkan Per\u00ebndimor dhe posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht n\u00eb Bosnje. Rajoni \u00ebsht\u00eb transformuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb fush\u00eb shahu virtuale, n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn Rusia d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb ushtroj\u00eb ndikim dhe t\u00eb konkurroj\u00eb me BE-n\u00eb dhe Shtetet e Bashkuara. Mir\u00ebpo tash p\u00ebr tash, e vetmja q\u00eb po luan \u00ebsht\u00eb Rusia.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ka nj\u00eb cop\u00eb koh\u00eb q\u00eb BE-ja ka problem q\u00eb t\u00eb flas\u00eb nj\u00ebz\u00ebri p\u00ebr politik\u00ebn e zgjerimit, e l\u00ebre m\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb hapa konkret\u00eb drejt p\u00ebrafrimit t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor me an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin n\u00eb BE. Goditje jasht\u00ebzakonisht e fort\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb n\u00eb rajon ishte shkelja e premtimit t\u00eb saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb nisur bisedimet me Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut, pasi q\u00eb kjo e fundit arriti t\u00eb negocioj\u00eb zgjidhjen dypal\u00ebshe me Greqin\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen gati t\u00eb pazgjidhshme t\u00eb emrit.<\/span><\/p>\n

Pas k\u00ebsaj, BE-ja humbi sensin e orientimit n\u00eb Ballkan Per\u00ebndimor, kurse opinioni publik n\u00eb rajon filloi t\u00eb favorizonte gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb Rusin\u00eb dhe Kin\u00ebn, si partner\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm se sa BE-ja. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb tash p\u00ebr tash dy aktor\u00eb t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb duket se jan\u00eb larguar nga skena kur vjen puna te politika e BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb rajon: largimi i kancelar\u00ebs Angela Merkel, p\u00ebrderisa Gjermania formon qeverin\u00eb e re, dhe presidentit francez Emmanuel Macron, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb fokusuar n\u00eb zgjedhjet e ardhshme presidenciale n\u00eb Franc\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Rusis\u00eb nuk i duhet Dodiku as politikan\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb ballkanas. \u00c7far\u00eb i duhet \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb rihap\u00eb dhe rind\u00ebrtoj\u00eb kanale t\u00eb komunikimit me BE-n\u00eb dhe Shtetet e Bashkuara. N\u00ebse d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb zgjidh\u00eb shum\u00eb prej problemeve t\u00eb saj, BE-s\u00eb i duhet kjo gjithashtu. Sa p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor dhe p\u00ebr Bosnj\u00ebn n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti, problemet mund t\u00eb zgjidhen vet\u00ebm mes BE-s\u00eb dhe Rusis\u00eb. Nuk ka dyshim q\u00eb Rusia \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00ebsi kryesor n\u00eb Ballkan, duke p\u00ebrdorur figurat lokale p\u00ebr t\u00eb zbatuar at\u00eb politik\u00eb. Sidoqoft\u00eb, q\u00ebllimet e saj me gjas\u00eb shkojn\u00eb p\u00ebrtej rajonit dhe kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb me gjetjen e nj\u00eb kompromisi m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb me BE-n\u00eb.<\/span><\/p>\n

Rusia \u00ebsht\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht e ndjeshme sa i p\u00ebrket t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebs \u201cfqinj\u00ebsi t\u00eb af\u00ebrt\u201d \u2013 ish republikave sovjetike q\u00eb u b\u00ebn\u00eb shtete t\u00eb pavarura gjat\u00eb trazirave t\u00eb viteve \u201990. Tre shtetet baltike tashm\u00eb jan\u00eb an\u00ebtare t\u00eb konsoliduara t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb dhe NATO-s dhe agresioni i hapur ndaj tyre do t\u00eb sillte m\u00eb shum\u00eb telashe se p\u00ebrfitime p\u00ebr Rusin\u00eb. Kurse Ukraina dhe Gjeorgjia jan\u00eb tjet\u00ebr gj\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb moment, atyre u ishte premtuar an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi n\u00eb NATO dhe m\u00eb 2013 dhe 2014 t\u00eb dyja n\u00ebnshkruan marr\u00ebveshje disi t\u00eb paqarta me BE-n\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb lexoheshin si hap i par\u00eb drejt an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb BE.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb 13 vitet e fundit, Rusia ka nd\u00ebrhyr\u00eb ushtarakisht edhe n\u00eb Gjeorgji edhe n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb dhe ka futur Bellorusin\u00eb n\u00ebn sqetull duke p\u00ebrkrahur diktatorin e saj t\u00eb izoluar nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtarisht. K\u00ebto jan\u00eb vendet t\u00eb cilat Rusia i sheh si brenda sfer\u00ebs s\u00eb interesit dhe q\u00eb kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt me sigurin\u00eb e saj. Mbajtja e tyre n\u00eb nj\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb p\u00ebrheshme t\u00eb konfliktit t\u00eb fjetur dhe t\u00eb intensitetit t\u00eb ul\u00ebt nd\u00ebrlidhet me shum\u00eb interesa t\u00eb tjera ruse, sikurse \u00e7ertifikimi nga Gjermania i gazsjell\u00ebsit t\u00eb ri Nord Stream 2. K\u00ebto jan\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje madhore p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat Rusia duhet t\u00eb gjej\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eblloj mir\u00ebkuptimi me Per\u00ebndimin.<\/span><\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb loj\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb, p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00ebsit e Ballkanit jan\u00eb thjesht objekte pazari m\u00eb shum\u00eb se sa lojtar\u00eb. Me koh\u00eb, lider\u00ebt rus\u00eb dhe t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ulen e t\u00eb diskutojn\u00eb p\u00ebr gjendjen e siguris\u00eb n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb. E vetmja pyetje \u00ebsht\u00eb se a do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb kjo para, apo pas shkat\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb s\u00eb ardhmes demokratike evropiane p\u00ebr shtetet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ndreqja e komunikimit me Mosk\u00ebn nuk do t\u00eb thoshte kurrsesi miratim i politikave t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb. Mir\u00ebpo pa komunikim nuk ka shans t\u00eb gjendet zgjidhje diplomatike; alternativ\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj \u00ebsht\u00eb politika e loj\u00ebs me zjarrin si kjo q\u00eb po b\u00ebhet tash, me shtete t\u00eb dob\u00ebta q\u00eb luhaten p\u00ebrher\u00eb mes kapjes s\u00eb shtetit nga autokrat\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahur nga Rusia n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb, dhe d\u00ebshtimit total n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr.<\/span><\/p>\n

***<\/span><\/p>\n

*Vesna Pusic \u00ebsht\u00eb is z\u00ebvend\u00ebskryeministre dhe ministre e pun\u00ebve t\u00eb jashtme dhe \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve evropiane e Kroacis\u00eb.<\/span>
\n<\/span>
\n<\/span>Artikulli origjinal n\u00eb <\/span>Foreign Policy<\/span><\/a>, publikuar m\u00eb 23 n\u00ebntor 2021.<\/span><\/p>\n

***<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Ky artikull mb\u00ebshtetet nga “Sbunker” p\u00ebrmes projektit t\u00eb financuar nga Ambasada Amerikane. Mendimet e shprehura k\u00ebtu jan\u00eb t\u00eb autorit dhe jo medoemos pasqyrojn\u00eb q\u00ebndrimet e Departamentit t\u00eb Shtetit.<\/span><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Kremlini po destabilizon Bosnj\u00ebn dhe Hercegovin\u00ebn n\u00eb ndjekje t\u00eb q\u00ebllimeve m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebra strategjike. Gazetari legjendar boshnjak Boro Kontic s\u00eb fundmi tha se Bosnja duket sikur filmi Groundhog Day t\u00eb zgjaste nj\u00eb dekad\u00eb: n\u00ebshkruhen marr\u00ebveshje, themelohen e nd\u00ebrtohen institucione, dor\u00ebzohen aplikaicone, fitohen e humben zgjedhje, organizohen konferenca, ngriten \u00e7\u00ebshtje, p\u00ebrgatiten vler\u00ebsime, e pastaj \u2013 asgj\u00eb. […]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":331,"featured_media":8141,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[1260],"ppma_author":[343],"class_list":["post-8339","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analize","tag-kremlinshah"],"authors":[{"term_id":343,"user_id":331,"is_guest":0,"slug":"vesna-pusic","display_name":"Vesna Pusi\u0107","avatar_url":{"url":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/V_pusic-e1698412441878.jpg","url2x":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/V_pusic-e1698412441878.jpg"},"user_url":"","last_name":"Pusi\u0107","first_name":"Vesna","description":"Vesna Pusi\u0107 \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sociologe dhe politikane kroate q\u00eb sh\u00ebrbeu si z\u00ebvend\u00ebskryeministre e par\u00eb dhe ministre e Pun\u00ebve t\u00eb Jashtme dhe Evropiane."}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8339","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/331"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=8339"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8339\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8340,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8339\/revisions\/8340"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8141"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=8339"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=8339"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=8339"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sbunker.org\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=8339"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}