The persistent protest following the Novi Sad tragedy and the resignation of Prime Minister Vucevic have officially pushed Serbia into a period of political instability. The resignation of Prime Minister Vucevic failed to quell the protests or bring students—who have been the main driving force behind them—to the negotiating table.
Instead, his resignation had the opposite effect, further emboldening the protesters. On January 28, 2025, the same day Vucevic announced his resignation, Novi Sad students announced a major protest, planning to block all city bridges on February 1 and 2. They invited Belgrade students to join, who not only accepted but pledged to walk 80km to Novi Sad in solidarity.
A group of 400 Belgrade students began their journey on January 31. Along the way, locals welcomed the students with food and support, creating a powerful image of unity. However, in Indjija, small town north of Belgrade, the mayor refused to provide shelter, forcing students to sleep outdoors on a football field in freezing temperatures. Photos of them enduring the cold, aided by locals bringing blankets, highlighted their resilience and determination, symbolizing their unwavering fight for justice and change.
On February 1, more than 200.000 people gathered in Novi Sad, marking the biggest protest in its history of Serbia. Citizens blocked the three major city bridges, Varadinski, Zezelj and Freedom bridges, and half the streets of the city for more than 24 hours.
This day will be remembered in history as the largest civic protest Novi Sad has ever witnessed, surpassing the Anti-Bureaucratic Revolution (1989), the city's liberation in World War II (1944), and the unification of Vojvodina with Serbia (1918).
The protest in Novi Sad marked a seismic shift in Serbian politics. Serbian students could ignite a movement powerful enough to shake the country’s political elite.
It appears that President Vucic and the ruling SNS have suffered irreparable damage. Since November 1, 2024, the protests have spread like wildfire—out of 168 self-governing units (cities and municipalities), demonstrations have been organized in 163.
To mitigate the damage, Vucic embarked on a tour of two small cities in central Serbia, Cicevac and Varvarin, but it did not go as planned.
During his meetings with residents, many openly criticized him and his party colleagues. These encounters were broadcast live by a national TV station, likely because Vucic did not anticipate facing tough questions. One particularly moment included a disabled citizen who argued with him over pension issues, further eroding Vucic’s standing.
The SNS and Vucic appear weaker by the day, with each move only strengthening the protesters. However, the students leading the movement are not politicians, nor do they intend to organize as a political party or participate in elections.
While public support is clearly in favor of students, the momentum generated by the protests must be politically channeled. Yet, a deep distrust remains between the students and opposition leaders.
It is crucial to channel the energy accumulated by the protesters into concrete action. Some form of cooperation with opposition parties may be necessary; otherwise, Vucic could call snap elections and secure another victory. Such a scenario would likely restore his international legitimacy and suppress the protests. At this critical juncture, there is no room for strategic missteps.
Opposition parties are already extending a hand to students, offering cooperation. Proglas, a political platform uniting various opposition parties and prominent individuals, has put forward a proposal for the establishment of a transitional interim government with two key objectives: fulfilling all student demands and preparing for free and fair elections.
However, students have yet to respond to this proposal, likely due to the lack of trust. The most recent protest, organized by students on Statehood Day in Kragujevac, drew more than 200,000 people, signaling the beginning of the end of the Vucic regime.
The next steps taken by the students will determine whether a government change occurs as early as 2025 or if Vucic’s downfall is delayed until 2027, coinciding with the presidential election.
